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The report analyzes the challenges of the Afghan conflict, emphasizing the need for a proactive, inclusive peace process. It suggests that successful negotiations require third-party facilitation, a structured negotiating framework, and transitional arrangements to manage security and governance. The authors argue against narrow power-sharing between elites, proposing instead a multidimensional approach involving power-sharing, power-dividing, power-creating, and power-diffusing mechanisms across political, military, territorial, and economic dimensions to ensure long-term stability and legitimacy.

The policy brief argues that Uganda lacks the necessary legal frameworks and independent institutions to ensure transparency and accountability in the management of its oil revenues. While the Oil and Gas Policy of 2008 outlined institutional needs, many remain unimplemented, and the Petroleum Bill of 2010 is criticized for lacking progressive revenue collection and clear transparency guarantees. The author warns that current restrictions on information and threats to media freedom hinder public participation, recommending that oil production be delayed until a comprehensive revenue management law is enacted.

The author analyzes the causes of popular uprisings in countries such as Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, and Iran—citing unemployment, corruption, and authoritarianism—to warn the South African government. The text argues that constitutional democracy and voting are insufficient if elected officials remain unresponsive to the needs of the electorate, noting that dissatisfaction in places like Wesselton and Ermelo over jobs and service delivery mirrors the triggers of international unrest.

The document evaluates the outcomes of the 2010 NPT Review Conference, highlighting the tension between the aspirations of Non-Nuclear Weapon States (NNWS), particularly those in Africa, and the reluctance of Nuclear Weapon States (NWS) to commit to firm disarmament timelines. While it notes achievements such as the agreement to convene a conference on a Middle East nuclear-weapon-free zone in 2012 and the reaffirmation of the right to peaceful nuclear energy, it argues that the final document largely maintains the status quo. The authors emphasize the importance of the Treaty of Pelindaba and the need for a comprehensive Nuclear Weapons Convention to move beyond the NPT's perceived discriminatory structure.

The document analyzes Afghanistan's role within the Regional Security Complex (RSC) framework, examining its relationship with South Asia, the Persian Gulf, and Central Asia. It argues that neighboring states' engagement in Afghanistan is driven by internal regional conflicts—such as the India-Pakistan rivalry—rather than Afghan-centric issues. Consequently, the author suggests that a unilateral non-aggression commitment by Afghanistan is a more viable strategy for stability than the integrated regional approaches often proposed by international policymakers.

The report examines domestic policy reforms in developing countries focused on price reform, energy efficiency, and low-carbon fuels to mitigate climate change. It analyzes the political and economic barriers to price reform, the necessity of legal frameworks and specialized agencies for energy efficiency, and the role of financial incentives and standards. The document also evaluates the use of input, output, outcome, and impact indicators for monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) of Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs), concluding that only impact indicators provide a reliable basis for financial rewards, despite significant data gaps in developing countries.

The L’Aquila Summit focused on coordinating a 'green global recovery' and addressing the 2008 financial crisis. Key achievements included a G8 commitment to reduce developed country emissions by 80% or more by 2050 and the establishment of the Heiligendamm – L’Aquila Process (HAP) to formalize ties with the G5. While the summit failed to secure a global 50% emissions reduction target by 2050, it advanced agreements on food security and non-proliferation.

President Dmitry Medvedev's June 2009 visit to Egypt, Nigeria, Namibia, and Angola focused on the exploitation of energy and minerals and the sale of Russian technology. This effort, alongside summits with BRIC and SCO nations, reflects a Russian foreign policy goal to challenge US hegemony and establish a multipolar world. Key outcomes included agreements on gas field development and pipelines in Nigeria, nuclear power projects in Egypt and Namibia, and loans for Angola's satellite programme. The document notes South Africa's absence from the Russian president's itinerary and the BRIC summit in Yekaterinburg.

The document analyzes the trajectory of the Islamic Front of Salvation (FIS) in Algeria, from its emergence as a mass political party during the liberalisation of 1989 to its ban in 1992 and subsequent role in armed rebellion. It argues that the FIS's success was driven by social grievances and the failure of the ruling National Liberation Front (FLN), while its radicalisation was partly a response to state repression. The paper further assesses the current Algerian party system, noting a trend of public apathy and the continued dominance of the military and executive branch despite the inclusion of moderate Islamist parties in governing coalitions.

The report examines the role of social networking sites (SNSs) in advancing sustainable development, categorizing them into mainstream, niche, and professional platforms. It argues that while mainstream sites often 'dumb down' sustainability to low-cost virtual actions, niche and professional networks can foster deeper expertise and collaboration. The author contrasts two governance perspectives: rational democratic governance, which views SNSs with caution due to their lack of structure, and adaptive governance, which sees them as essential tools for social learning and breaking institutional silos. The document concludes that for SNSs to improve governance, there must be a shift toward open data, diverse platforms, and a move beyond simple fundraising applications.

The author contends that nuclear power is an unsuitable solution for global warming due to the catastrophic precedent of Chernobyl and ongoing risks. Key concerns include the lack of permanent repositories for high-level nuclear waste, the vulnerability of spent-fuel storage to terrorism, and the risk that civilian nuclear programs serve as covers for weapons proliferation. The document suggests that investing in end-use energy efficiency is seven times more cost-effective at reducing demand than nuclear power.

The document examines the historical patterns of US and Soviet influence in Africa and contrasts them with a potential modern 'new' Cold War based on the divide between liberal democracies and authoritarian states. It argues that while a multi-polar world could increase the bargaining power of African governments, these states should maintain neutrality to avoid diminishing their economic opportunities by falling into a single sphere of influence.

The report contends that U.S. nuclear policy is outdated and increases the risk of accidental war or proliferation. It proposes ten unilateral actions, including reducing the arsenal to 1,000 warheads, ending rapid-launch options, and ratifying the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, to enhance national and international security.

The document presents a dataset of 3,375 urban social disturbance events, including both violent and non-violent political activities, compiled from the Keesing’s Record of World Events. It details the selection of 23 cities in Sub-Saharan Africa and 32 in Asia, the coding scheme used to categorize event types and casualties, and the challenges associated with using news reports as a primary data source. Analysis shows an increasing trend in both total and lethal events over time, with a higher average number of events reported for Asian cities compared to African cities.

The document examines the tension between 'modern' (secular/NGO-led) and 'traditional' (religious) civil society in Afghanistan after 2001. It argues that international donors and the Afghan government have adopted a narrow, technocratic view of civil society, focusing on formal NGOs as service providers while marginalizing influential religious actors like mullahs and ulema. The author identifies five key civil society functions performed by religious actors: socialization, public communication, mediation, intermediation, and resource distribution. The report highlights a precarious position for 'middle-ground' religious leaders who are targeted by both the government and insurgents, warning that excluding these actors risks pushing them toward radicalization.

The author contends that energy efficiency and decentralized renewables are more profitable and faster to deploy than traditional energy sources. By increasing energy productivity and adopting 'micropower', the U.S. and other nations can eliminate oil dependence and reduce carbon emissions without relying on costly subsidies or mandates. Furthermore, the author suggests that the economic failure of nuclear power will naturally hinder nuclear proliferation by reducing the availability of civilian nuclear materials.

The National Chairman of the South African Institute of International Affairs assesses South Africa's role as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council in 2007. The statement critiques the tension between South Africa's aspirational moral authority and the 'realpolitik' of global diplomacy, specifically citing failures to address human rights violations in Zimbabwe. It advocates for a shift from state security to human security and calls for the development of indigenous African research capacity to shape the continent's policy agendas.

The document analyzes South Africa's strategic shift from its role as a dominant power in southern Africa during and after the apartheid era to a leader of the 'Global South'. It examines how South Africa uses its influence in the UN and within non-aligned blocs to challenge Western diplomatic dominance and advocate for a more equitable global order. The author highlights specific diplomatic actions regarding Iran and Myanmar as evidence of this strategy to shift power away from the UN Security Council toward the General Assembly and other non-Western constellations.

The document argues that nuclear power is an unsuitable solution for the UK's energy and climate goals due to long construction times, lifecycle greenhouse gas emissions, high costs, and safety risks. The signatories advocate for redirecting investment toward energy efficiency, renewable energy, and other low-carbon technologies.

India and China are experiencing rapid economic growth and a corresponding surge in energy consumption, leading to an increasing reliance on imported oil, primarily from the Persian Gulf. Both nations are pursuing similar strategies to mitigate this vulnerability: diversifying import sources, acquiring equity oil through overseas investments, building strategic petroleum reserves (SPRs), and shifting toward natural gas and nuclear power. While there are efforts toward Sino-Indian energy cooperation, such as joint bids for oilfields in third countries, competition remains high, particularly in contested areas like Burma. The report outlines three future scenarios: 'Increased cooperation,' 'Conflict in East Asia' (centered on Taiwan and Japan), and 'The Middle East explodes' (a full-scale resource war). It recommends that Norway support energy efficiency, clean coal and gas technologies, and the inclusion of China and India in the International Energy Agency (IEA).