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A joint declaration by indigenous communities in Mexico, released during COP 13 in Cancún, argues that the 'green economy' and biodiversity conventions serve as fronts for corporate interests and the dispossession of indigenous lands. The document condemns the criminalization of environmental defenders and the use of deceptive conservation rhetoric to justify extractive projects, including wind and hydroelectric power. It specifically criticizes the REDD+ mechanism and the Nagoya and Cartagena protocols for favoring multinationals over indigenous sovereignty and biocultural heritage.

The document is a statement by indigenous groups in Mexico, issued during COP 13 in Cancun, condemning the 'green economy' and extractivist projects—including wind parks, hydroelectric projects, and mining—as drivers of human rights violations and territorial plundering. The signatories argue that international frameworks like the Nagoya and Cartagena Protocols and the REDD+ program prioritize corporate profit over biodiversity and indigenous sovereignty, calling for the protection of biocultural heritage and food sovereignty against the commodification of nature.

The document is a joint statement condemning the execution-style murder of Jeremy Abraham Barrios Lima, an assistant to the Guatemalan Centre for Legal, Environmental and Social Action (CALAS). The signatories argue that this killing is part of a broader pattern of escalating violence against land and environment defenders in Guatemala and Latin America, specifically highlighting risks associated with Canadian-owned mining projects. They call for a full investigation into the murder and urge the Canadian government to ensure access to justice and respect for community decisions regarding large-scale mining.

The letter argues that the owners of the Dakota Access Pipeline are complicit in human rights abuses against Indigenous peoples in Standing Rock, North Dakota, and asserts that corporate and financial entities have an affirmative duty to prevent such impacts.

The document advocates for a legally binding UN treaty to hold transnational corporations (TNCs) accountable for human rights and environmental abuses. It highlights the failure of voluntary corporate social responsibility codes and the misuse of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms to challenge public health and environmental laws. Through case studies in Latin America and Africa, it illustrates how TNCs operate with impunity due to gaps in national legal systems and the lack of extraterritorial obligations for home states.

The document advocates for a legally binding UN treaty to hold transnational corporations (TNCs) accountable for human rights and environmental abuses. It highlights the failure of voluntary corporate responsibility codes and the misuse of bilateral investment treaties to challenge public health and environmental laws. Through case studies in Latin America and Africa, it illustrates how TNCs operate with impunity due to legal gaps and state complicity, calling for a shift from voluntary guidelines to mandatory international regulations.

The paper finds that climate actions across examined INDCs align with 154 of the 169 SDG targets, demonstrating significant potential for mutual benefits between climate and development agendas. While global alignment is high, the authors note that few countries explicitly referenced SDGs in their INDCs, often due to separate institutional oversight between environment and development ministries. Case studies of Colombia and Uganda show high goal-level alignment, though target-level alignment varies based on national priorities. The document advocates for a 'whole-of-government' approach to maximize resources and avoid implementation silos.

The study finds that ethnic civil wars have indeed declined since the mid-1990s, supporting Ted Robert Gurr's projections. The authors demonstrate that this pacifying trend is associated with increased government accommodation, specifically through the granting of group rights, power-sharing, and democratization, which reduce the probability of conflict onset. Additionally, regional autonomy and peacekeeping operations are found to significantly increase the likelihood of conflict termination. Out-of-sample predictions show that a theory-driven model based on accommodative politics far outperforms a simple time-trend model in predicting the actual decline of ethnic conflict from 2000 to 2013.

The document provides an Environmental and Social Management Framework (ESMF) for a project aimed at conserving freshwater, marine, and coastal resources in the Mesoamerican Reef System (MAR). It defines the institutional roles of the Central American Commission on Environment and Development (CCAD) and partner NGOs, establishes a project classification system (Categories A, B, and C) based on risk, and outlines procedures for Environmental and Social Impact Assessments (ESIAs). The framework identifies priority river basins—including the Hondo, Motagua, Belice, Chamelecón, and Ulúa—and details the threats facing the reef, such as agricultural runoff, deforestation, and urban waste. It also sets strict safeguards for indigenous peoples, involuntary resettlement, and the use of hazardous pesticides, while proposing various 'ridge-to-reef' interventions like agroforestry and habitat restoration.

The Scientific Advisory Committee (SAC) is seeking nominations for two positions to be filled in June 2016 at the Conference of the Parties in Santiago de Chile. One vacancy is held by Dr. Michele Grunauer Andrade from Ecuador, who is eligible for re-election. The SAC specifies that candidates must possess high academic excellence, a PhD or equivalent, and a multidisciplinary approach. Priority areas for the 2016 nominations include climate sciences (observations, simulations, and impact assessment), ecosystem services and marine/terrestrial biodiversity, and humanities (urban planning, economics, and social health related to epidemics and environmental factors). The committee also emphasizes the need for geographic, gender, and ethnic balance, specifically inviting nominations for minority groups.

The document argues that 'communication rights' extend beyond simple freedom of expression to include the right to be heard and receive responses from power-holders. It provides evidence of this framework's utility through case studies: community radio in Guatemala and Bosnia and Herzegovina, citizen journalism in the Dominican Republic, gender-focused media monitoring in Benin, and migrant advocacy in Hong Kong. Additionally, it examines the threats to privacy posed by big data analytics and the 'Internet of Things,' arguing that these technologies can create unjust power differentials and facilitate surveillance.

This document is an official contribution from Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) to the second session of the UN open-ended intergovernmental working group (IGWG) in October 2016. It advocates for a legally binding international treaty to hold transnational corporations (TNCs) and their executives accountable for human rights violations and environmental crimes, proposing the creation of a World Court on TNCs and Human Rights and a Public Centre for control. FoEI argues that the treaty must prioritize human rights over trade and investment agreements, specifically calling for the restriction of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms that undermine public health and environmental protections.

Friends of the Earth International's 2016 submission to the UN Intergovernmental Working Group advocates for a legally binding treaty to hold transnational corporations and their financiers civilly and criminally liable for human rights and environmental violations. The document proposes the creation of an international court, the primacy of human rights over investment treaties (including ISDS), and the establishment of a public monitoring center to prevent corporate capture of the regulatory process.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) argues for a legally binding UN Treaty that establishes civil and criminal liability for transnational corporations (TNCs) and their executives. The submission emphasizes the need for a World Court on TNCs and Human Rights to overcome national judicial weaknesses and the 'pattern of impunity' enjoyed by corporations. FoEI specifically calls for the primacy of human rights over investment treaties, the elimination of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms that undermine public health and environmental policies, and the protection of the treaty negotiation process from corporate lobbying. The document supports these claims with case studies of corporate abuses in Nigeria, Brazil, Indonesia, and other regions.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) advocates for a legally binding UN treaty to end the systemic impunity of transnational corporations (TNCs). The submission argues that the treaty must establish civil and criminal liability for TNCs, their executives, and financiers across global supply chains. FoEI proposes the creation of an independent international court to judge environmental crimes and human rights abuses, emphasizing the need for a hierarchy where human rights obligations prevail over trade and investment agreements, specifically targeting the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism. The document highlights cases of corporate abuse in Nigeria, Brazil, Mozambique, and elsewhere to illustrate the failure of current voluntary standards and national judicial systems.

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) advocates for a binding UN Treaty to end corporate impunity. The proposal emphasizes the need for direct legal obligations for transnational corporations (TNCs) and their executives, the creation of a World Court on TNCs and Human Rights, and the primacy of human rights over investment treaties. FoEI highlights systemic failures in national courts and the harmful impact of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanisms, calling for a process free from corporate lobbying that prioritizes the rights of affected communities and environmental defenders.

The document analyzes the rise of nonviolent resistance globally, noting that while it has historically outperformed violent resistance in achieving major political change, its effectiveness has declined since 2010. It argues that authoritarian regimes may be more fragile than they appear and suggests that non-traditional international support is more influential than direct state assistance for these movements.

The document provides a structured review of literature concerning the gendered aspects of DDR. It highlights a systemic tendency to view women primarily as victims or 'camp followers' rather than active combatants, which leads to their exclusion from DDR benefits. It also examines how hegemonic masculinity drives violence and how the lack of gender-sensitive planning in post-conflict settings—such as in Aceh or Sierra Leone—marginalizes female ex-fighters. Conversely, it notes more inclusive patterns in Latin American peace processes, such as those in Colombia and El Salvador.

The document analyzes the tension between the risk-management approach of the UNFCCC and the justice-based demands for compensation regarding climate-induced loss and damage. It evaluates four scientific traits—attributability, irreversibility, unavoidability, and intolerability—concluding that while science can inform risk management, the determination of liability and compensation remains a political and value-based challenge.

The document identifies and assesses behaviour change techniques (BCTs) for improved cookstove (ICS) adoption, noting a shift from financial incentives toward 'shaping knowledge' and 'social support'. It highlights the importance of tailoring messages to gender and local contexts and proposes a modified framework that integrates individual, social, structural, and locational determinants of behaviour.