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The report argues that high perceived investor risks in South East Europe lead to inflated financing costs for renewables, making them less competitive than conventional power plants. It proposes specific de-risking measures—most notably the EU budget guarantee mechanism—that could reduce project costs by up to 20%, potentially bringing onshore wind costs down to 46 EUR/MWh in Greece and 54 EUR/MWh in Serbia.

The report argues that austerity—defined as fiscal policy aimed at solving debt and growth problems through spending cuts and regressive taxes—leads to economic deterioration, rising unemployment, and increased inequality. It highlights that South Africa is deepening its implementation of austerity despite moderate debt levels compared to international norms. The author contends that these policies undermine constitutionally enshrined rights to health and education and proposes a shift toward a stimulus-based fiscal plan focused on progressive taxation and structural transformation.

The report analyzes how the AKP government has shifted Turkish foreign policy toward a more proactive, ideologically driven approach that leverages historical, cultural, and religious ties to expand regional influence. It examines the role of institutions like the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB) and the Diyanet in managing these relations. Through case studies in Bulgaria, Germany, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Cyprus, and Palestine, the document illustrates how this 'kin-state' politics often leads to the instrumentalization of religion, the exportation of domestic political conflicts, and tensions with host countries, while sometimes being perceived by the target communities as paternalistic or colonizing.

In the first half of 2019, EU coal generation fell by 19%, driven by the growth of wind and solar power, a shift toward fossil gas due to rising carbon prices, and specific plant closures. Germany experienced the largest absolute decline, while eastern European countries saw smaller reductions due to slower renewable energy deployment. The report argues that while carbon pricing has made coal less profitable, further declines require accelerated plant closures and increased investment in clean energy and grid infrastructure to ensure a full transition.

The authors contend that the EU is paralyzed by institutional inertia, the dominance of the Council, and the influence of vested interests. They critique Emmanuel Macron's reliance on a Franco-German bilateral engine, arguing that it ignores the reality of transnational politics and the effectiveness of coalitions like the Visegrád Group. The text suggests that breaking the deadlock requires leveraging the European Parliament, forming offensive and defensive coalitions, and using strategic unilateral action or the blocking of trade deals to force systemic change.

The author contends that the European Union's handling of the 2008 economic crisis eroded public trust and democratic legitimacy, leaving it ill-equipped to face urgent challenges like climate change. To avoid public rejection and the rise of the far-right, the document proposes transforming EU institutions to be more permeable to citizen participation and reconstructing a common narrative based on solidarity and shared European values.

ClientEarth challenges the proposed Greek capacity mechanism (CM), asserting that the Greek authorities have failed to implement necessary market reforms and have provided a flawed generation adequacy assessment. The document argues that the CM's design discriminates against demand side response (DSR) and renewable energy in favor of lignite-fired plants, potentially using a 'grandfathering' clause to bypass EU emission standards. ClientEarth calls for a formal State aid investigation to ensure the scheme does not provide unjustified subsidies to fossil fuel incumbents.

ClientEarth's contribution to the European Commission's evaluation of food contact materials (FCM) rules highlights critical gaps in public health protection. The organization argues that the current lack of EU-wide harmonisation for 13 of the 17 listed FCM categories allows for inconsistent safety standards and a 'race to the bottom' due to the principle of mutual recognition. Furthermore, ClientEarth criticizes the current risk assessment model based on 'migration' limits, which allows hazardous chemicals like CMRs and EDCs to be used if exposure is deemed acceptable. They propose a 'cut-off' criterion—similar to that used in pesticides regulation—to completely prohibit these substances in FCM to better protect human health and incentivize safer innovation.

The analysis of draft NECPs reveals that the EU is set to miss its 2030 coal phase-out goals, with 11 Member States planning no phase-out and 60 GW of coal capacity projected to remain. The report highlights a disconnect where countries receiving EU just transition funding, such as Poland and Czechia, lack credible phase-out plans in their NECPs.

The document analyzes the scale of plastic pollution in China, noting that China's 2017 plastic production was approximately 75 million tons. It details the EU's comprehensive approach, including the Waste Framework Directive and the Packaging and Packaging Waste Directive, which utilize Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) to shift financial and operational burdens to producers. The paper highlights EU targets under 'Plastics 2030' to make all plastic packaging reusable or recyclable by 2030. It concludes by recommending that China upgrade its legal systems, adopt whole-process management from production to disposal, and cooperate with the EU on transboundary waste treatment and global governance.

The European Defence Fund (EDF) represents a significant shift in EU policy, marking the first time the Union directly invests public funds into military technologies. With an estimated 13 billion euro allocated for 2021-2027, the fund aims to enhance the European Defence Technological and Industrial Base (EDTIB) and achieve 'strategic autonomy' by funding cutting-edge research and interoperable capabilities. A specific portion (4% to 8%) is dedicated to 'disruptive technologies,' such as artificial intelligence and robotics. However, the initiative faces criticism over the potential for 'corporate capture' by the defence industry, a lack of transparency in fund management, and a perceived shift in the EU's identity from a peace project to a military investor.

The authors argue that the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT) currently hinders the low-carbon transition by treating fossil-fuel and renewable energy investments identically. They propose a modernization process that abandons 'energy-source neutrality' in favor of state-specific lists that encourage low-carbon investments and phase out carbon-intensive ones. The paper also suggests reforming Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) by requiring the exhaustion of local remedies, introducing state-to-state dispute settlement, and clarifying 'denial of benefits' clauses to protect climate policy space. Substantive recommendations include narrowing the 'Fair and Equitable Treatment' (FET) standard, defining indirect expropriation to protect public welfare measures, and adopting a 'sunk-costs' approach for valuing damages in the phase-out of fossil fuels.

The document introduces ACLED data on political violence targeting women (PVTW), defining it as the use of physical force by groups with political motivations in the public sphere. The analysis reveals that while sexual violence is a significant threat, non-sexual attacks are the most commonly reported type of PVTW globally. The brief highlights regional variations in both the types of violence and the perpetrators, noting that anonymous armed groups are the most frequent offenders overall, while state forces, political militias, and mobs dominate in specific regions. The authors argue that understanding these patterns is essential for evidence-based Women, Peace and Security (WPS) policies and for achieving 'security equality' by recognizing women as active political agents rather than mere victims.

The report finds that currently agreed EU and Member State policies are on track to deliver a 50% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 compared to 1990 levels, surpassing the existing 40% target. Using the E3ME model, the analysis suggests that further adjustments to coal phase-outs, energy efficiency, and electric vehicle penetration could increase this reduction to 58%. However, the report warns that the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) remains vulnerable to a growing surplus of allowances as emissions fall faster than the current cap, necessitating reforms such as a one-off cap reset in 2026 to maintain a meaningful carbon price.

The report examines how environmental issues in Cyprus can either exacerbate conflict or serve as a tool for peacebuilding. It analyzes the political, legal, and administrative asymmetries between the Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot administration, highlighting how these divisions hinder holistic ecosystem management. The document details various levels of cooperation, from intergovernmental bodies like the UN and EU to academic networks and grassroots movements. It specifically evaluates the roles of the Cyprus Environmental Forum (CESF) and the Bicommunal Technical Committee for the Environment (BTCE). The report concludes with proposals for sustainable bi-communal initiatives, including the establishment of a Peace Park in the buffer zone, UNESCO Biosphere Reserves, and a bi-communal ecological study center in Varisea.

The report examines environmental cooperation in Cyprus, highlighting how political division creates administrative and legal asymmetries that hinder nature conservation. It analyzes various levels of cooperation—from intergovernmental bodies like the UN and EU to civil society and technical committees—and proposes specific peace-building measures such as a Buffer Zone Peace Park and UNESCO Biosphere Reserves.

The report examines the state of higher education in divided Cyprus, finding that while universities have grown rapidly on both sides, intercommunal academic cooperation remains negligible. It identifies the lack of official recognition of Turkish Cypriot universities by the Republic of Cyprus as a primary structural barrier, alongside political pressures and the risk of being labeled a 'traitor'. The authors argue that while individual academics may be willing to collaborate, institutional cooperation is blocked by state policies. The report suggests several policy interventions, including the creation of a shared digital database of researchers, funding for joint research in non-political fields, and the establishment of a technical committee for higher education to signal political approval for cooperation.

The report examines the systemic lack of cooperation between higher education institutions in the divided north and south of Cyprus. It identifies the 'recognition' issue—specifically the Republic of Cyprus's refusal to recognize universities in the north—as the primary structural barrier to institutional collaboration. While some individual academics and NGOs like the Cyprus Academic Dialogue (CAD) have fostered ties, official exchange remains nearly non-existent. The document proposes a series of policy recommendations, including the creation of a shared academic database, financial grants for bi-communal research, and the establishment of a technical committee for higher education to signal political support for cooperation.

The document analyzes the relationship between the Turkish government under the AKP and the Muslim minority in Western Thrace, Greece. It argues that Turkish policy shifted from a pro-Western, democratic approach in the early 2000s to a nationalist project that views the minority as a political tool for regional hegemony. This shift is linked to the 'Strategic Depth' ideology of Ahmet Davutoğlu and the domestic political needs of the AKP, leading to increased tensions with Greece, particularly after the 2016 coup attempt.

The document introduces a collective volume analyzing the shifting security and geopolitical landscape of the Eastern Mediterranean. It identifies four primary drivers of change: hydrocarbon discoveries, geopolitical antagonisms (particularly involving Turkey), new human security imperatives resulting from Middle Eastern instability, and increased interest from external powers like the US, Russia, and China. The text focuses on the formation of trilateral partnerships (Cyprus-Greece-Israel and Cyprus-Egypt-Greece) as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and explores how these alliances intersect with energy security and the broader refugee crisis affecting Southern Europe.