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The 2018 Talanoa Dialogue, facilitated by the Fijian and Polish presidencies, aims to raise climate ambition by taking stock of progress toward the Paris Agreement and informing 2020 Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). The process uses a non-adversarial, story-based methodology to foster consensus. NHRIs and civil society are encouraged to provide actionable, positive inputs that link climate action to human rights, including gender equality, indigenous peoples' rights, and just transitions. The dialogue consists of preparatory phases (online submissions and in-session dialogues) and a final political phase at COP-24 in Katowice, Poland.

The document outlines the economic necessity for South Africa to transition toward low-carbon manufacturing, identifying specific opportunities in renewable energy, transport, agriprocessing, water, and the circular economy. It emphasizes the need for policy clarity, local procurement, and a 'just transition' that protects workers and informal waste pickers.

The document outlines the challenges of South Africa's coal-dependent energy system, including environmental externalities and the financial crisis at Eskom. It proposes cancelling further coal Independent Power Producers (IPPs), reforming Eskom's business model to invest in renewables, and increasing the localisation of renewable energy manufacturing. A central theme is the 'just transition,' emphasizing the role of unions and the state in protecting vulnerable workers through re-skilling and social protection. The brief recommends the urgent finalisation of the Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) 2016 and the establishment of a Just Transition Taskforce.

The document argues that South Africa's reliance on coal has created an economic path dependency that now exposes the country to shrinking export markets and trade barriers as global climate policies tighten. To mitigate this, the author proposes a three-pronged approach: increasing investment in minerals essential for clean technologies (such as PGMs, chromium, and manganese), redeploying retrenched miners to municipal infrastructure projects, and establishing a national programme to rehabilitate over 6,000 derelict mines. The brief emphasizes a 'Just Transition' framework, calling for a dedicated taskforce and the integration of climate considerations into the Mining Charter and the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Bill.

The policy brief contends that South Africa's financial sector fails to fund productive investment in labour-intensive manufacturing because these sectors are high-risk and offer low short-term profits. It argues that existing DFIs, specifically the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) and the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA), are too small and constrained by commercial funding models to fulfill their developmental mandates. The author proposes recapitalising these institutions with public funds, providing a stable low-cost funding line, and establishing an export-import (EXIM) bank to compete with other emerging markets like China and Brazil. These measures are intended to support sectors such as capital equipment exports, automotive subcomponents, and textiles to drive job creation.

The document argues that South Africa's wage inequality is among the highest globally and cannot be solved by voluntarism alone. It proposes strengthening Section 27 of the Employment Equity Act to mandate the disclosure and reduction of pay ratios, specifically suggesting a maximum ratio of 25:1 between the top 5% and bottom 5% of earners. The brief also recommends capping executive pay, linking state procurement and incentives to wage equity, and using the public sector as a model employer to flatten wage hierarchies.

The policy brief critiques the South African Reserve Bank's (SARB) focus on price stability, arguing that high interest rates and inflation targeting contribute to de-industrialisation and unemployment. It proposes replacing these tools with 'Real Quantitative Monetary Easing' (QME), the monetisation of debt, and Overt Monetary Financing (OMF) to support SMMEs and public infrastructure. The author advocates for a close working relationship between the SARB and National Treasury to de-financialise the economy and establish public banks to direct credit toward productive investment.

The document outlines the process for developing long-term low greenhouse gas emission development strategies, emphasizing their role in guiding near- and medium-term actions and avoiding stranded assets. It details essential design elements, including long-term visions, sectoral pathways, and the critical role of the energy sector. The paper also discusses the use of modeling, scenarios, and qualitative inputs to inform these strategies, while highlighting the importance of transparent communication and just transitions.

The report details a growing movement across Europe to replace the 'war on drugs' with policies based on harm reduction, public health, and human rights. It provides country-specific accounts from Belgium, the Czech Republic, France, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain, and the UK, highlighting a tension between restrictive national laws and progressive proposals for decriminalisation, legalisation of cannabis, and the implementation of safe consumption rooms.

The document examines the global landscape of high-speed rail (HSR), highlighting the extensive networks in China, Japan, and Europe compared to the limited development in the United States. It defines HSR as new lines exceeding 250 km/h (160 mph) and existing lines exceeding 200 km/h (120 mph). The text details China's rapid expansion, which is expected to reach 38,000 km by 2025, and Japan's long-standing safety record with the Shinkansen. In the U.S., only California is currently building a full HSR system, with the first phase expected by 2029. The report argues that HSR is more energy-efficient than cars and planes, offering a path to lower greenhouse gas emissions and reduced oil demand.

The author examines the tension between maintaining the US-led 'nuclear sharing' system and pursuing European strategic autonomy. While some propose a Franco-German nuclear cooperation to replace the US umbrella, the author warns against European militarism and instead advocates for a diplomatic strategy of preventive denuclearization, drawing on the Rapacki Plan to reduce nuclear stockpiles in Europe and move toward a world without nuclear weapons.

The author argues that terrorism in Europe is primarily 'home grown' and driven by individuals who feel 'uprooted'. The text criticizes the 'war on terror' approach, stating that disproportionate repression breeds further terrorism and threatens democratic freedoms. It suggests that while intelligence and security measures are necessary to foil immediate plots, the long-term solution lies in mending the 'social fabric' and addressing global instabilities and Western geopolitical abuses that fuel extremist narratives.

The authors examine the struggle of Social Democratic, Green, and far-left parties in the EU, noting their failure to translate voter concerns about climate change and unemployment into electoral success. They argue that the material prosperity brought by globalisation has complicated traditional left-wing appeals, while a sense of 'declinism' has benefited right-wing populists. The document suggests that progressives should avoid narratives of societal decline and instead offer a hopeful vision of the future to regain political influence.

A coalition of organizations urges the European Commission to strengthen its strategic approach to pharmaceuticals in the environment, citing the grave global health and economic threats of antimicrobial resistance. The authors call for broadening Good Manufacturing Practices to include environmental impacts, using Watch List data to identify priority substances under the Water Framework Directive, and implementing robust Environmental Risk Assessments for marketing authorizations.

The document examines how green bonds support the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), specifically highlighting six goals that receive direct benefits from green investment. It emphasizes that climate action is a crosscutting theme necessary for the success of all SDGs and calls for increased climate risk disclosure across all thematic bond labels to ensure long-term sustainability.

The document assesses Colombia's vulnerability as the world's fourth largest thermal coal exporter facing declining global demand. It highlights significant risks to regional GDP and employment in the Cesar and La Guajira departments, where coal is a dominant economic driver. The brief notes a lack of domestic planning for post-coal scenarios and evaluates alternatives such as agriculture and tourism, while recommending coordinated long-term planning involving national institutions like the DNP and UPME to ensure a just transition.

The document examines the risks Colombia faces as a major coal exporter amid falling global demand and the rise of renewables. It highlights the extreme vulnerability of the Cesar and La Guajira departments, where coal is a dominant driver of regional GDP and employment. The brief argues that Colombia currently lacks a formal national or regional plan for a post-coal transition, leaving it susceptible to economic instability, unemployment, and social unrest. It recommends long-term planning led by the DNP and UPME, diversification into agriculture and tourism, and the implementation of a 'just transition' framework to protect workers and the environment.

The document advocates for the European Union to lead the 'Mission 2020' initiative, which aims to bend the global emissions curve by 2020 to stay within the 2-degree Celsius limit of the Paris Agreement. It argues that the EU can use its existing institutional frameworks, specifically regional cohesion and structural funds, to support a just transition toward low-carbon economies. The text emphasizes a shift from centralized energy production to decentralized, community-based renewable energy systems to empower local actors and counteract populist movements. It cites historical industrial transitions in regions like the Ruhr Area as evidence that such structural changes can be managed. Additionally, it highlights the role of bottom-up movements, such as the Transition Town Movement and the fossil fuel divestment movement, in driving decarbonization.

The report exposes the Ngoki oil project in the Republic of Congo as a high-risk venture characterized by corruption, environmental negligence, and potentially exaggerated oil reserves. It highlights the project's threat to the world's largest tropical peatlands in the Cuvette Centrale, which store 30 billion tonnes of carbon. The investigation reveals that the project is controlled by businessman Claude Wilfrid Etoka, who has close ties to President Sassou-Nguesso's family and whose company, SARPD Oil, was dropped by BNP Paribas due to corruption risks. Furthermore, the report argues that the project's Environmental Impact Assessment is "unfit for purpose" as it predates the discovery of the peatlands. It also notes that oil majors Total and ENI have interests in the region, and calls for donors to the Central African Forest Initiative (CAFI) and financial institutions to halt support for oil exploration in these sensitive ecosystems.

The study identifies that high financing costs in Tunisia, driven by power market, counterparty, and political risks, inflate the cost of renewable energy. By implementing targeted public derisking measures, Tunisia could significantly lower generation costs for wind and solar PV, catalyzing over EUR 1.6 billion in private investment and reducing carbon emissions by 32.2 million tonnes of CO2 over 20 years. The analysis concludes that the economic savings from lower capital costs outweigh the public expenditure required for these instruments.