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The report examines Brazil's agricultural risk management landscape, focusing on public policies like PSR, PROAGRO, Garantia-Safra, and PGPM. It highlights a market characterized by high concentration, limited geographic reach, and a heavy reliance on soy insurance. The authors argue that inadequate risk management leads to underinvestment and inefficient land use, suggesting a shift in public funding from rural credit toward insurance and the expansion of market-based price risk instruments.

The document argues that offshore wind is a critical resource for achieving zero-emissions targets due to plummeting costs and high capacity factors. It highlights the transition from fixed subsidies to competitive procurement in Europe as a model for cost reduction and notes that floating turbines could unlock 80 percent of global offshore potential. For the U.S., it recommends establishing procurement targets, creating an interstate transmission backbone, and converting tax credits to direct payments to accelerate deployment.

The briefing by Reclaim Finance details how the fossil gas and nuclear lobbies have exerted significant pressure on the European Commission to include their activities in the EU sustainable taxonomy. Despite the Technical Expert Group's initial recommendation to exclude them based on environmental harm and carbon thresholds, the document highlights a high volume of meetings between EU officials and lobbyists, as well as substantial financial spending by these sectors to reshape the regulation.

The report examines the socioeconomic impacts of industrial decline and evaluates the effectiveness of various transition responses. It argues that successful 'just' transitions require early strategic planning, multi-stakeholder governance, and a holistic approach to regional economic development that builds on existing local capabilities rather than seeking a single industrial replacement. Through case studies in the US, UK, Australia, and South Africa, the document highlights the risks of uneven benefit distribution, the importance of reskilling over simple monetary compensation, and the necessity of addressing environmental legacies to enable land reuse.

The briefing argues that contemporary national populists in Europe employ a systematic strategy to capture the state by eroding liberal norms, dominating the information space, and subordinating the judiciary and civil service. By treating the government as a 'contractor' for a national majority, these movements justify the removal of institutional restraints to concentrate power in the executive. The author details a multi-stage assault involving 'trolling', 'building' parallel infrastructures, and 'automating' disinformation to create a facade of democracy while maintaining an effective monopoly on power.

The document argues that the post-WWII multilateral order is fragmenting, leaving Europe vulnerable to the influence of China and Russia and the unpredictability of US policy. The author proposes a 'networked foreign policy' and 'European strategic sovereignty' to reduce dependencies and preserve EU values. This approach emphasizes the need for Europe to act as a unified geopolitical player, investing in its own technological capabilities (such as 5G and semiconductors) and safeguarding public goods like health and climate protection. The author specifically calls for the EU to reduce reliance on foreign medical supplies and to resist the dominance of US and Chinese tech giants through stronger regulation and a pro-European anti-trust policy.

The policy brief critiques the South African government's 'risk-adjusted' strategy for reopening the economy during the COVID-19 pandemic, arguing that it prioritizes business profitability over worker safety and ignores the impact of deep social inequalities. The authors propose a 'well-being economy' framework that treats health and economic performance as intertwined. Key recommendations include democratizing the return to work through worker oversight, implementing a universal basic income guarantee, expanding social infrastructure in townships, and reversing austerity measures in the national budget to provide a genuine rescue package for the most vulnerable.

In the first half of 2020, renewable electricity generation in the EU-27 reached 40%, surpassing fossil fuel generation at 34%. This shift was driven by record wind and solar penetration and a 7% drop in electricity demand caused by COVID-19. Coal generation fell by 32%, contributing to a 23% reduction in power sector CO2 emissions. While grids remained stable, the increase in renewables led to more frequent negative wholesale electricity prices, indicating a need for greater system flexibility. Poland emerged as the most coal-dependent EU country, generating as much coal-fired electricity as the other 25 EU members combined.

The document asserts that National Energy and Climate Plans (NECPs) are essential for the EU to achieve its 2030 climate targets and the goals of the European Green Deal. It notes that current measures are insufficient to meet the 40% greenhouse gas reduction target and that the COVID-19 pandemic has delayed policymaking and plan submissions in several member states. The author calls for higher ambition, better policy coherence, and increased stakeholder involvement to ensure a green recovery and climate neutrality by 2050.

In 2019, wind and solar generated 8.2% of global electricity, with the EU leading at 18%. The report highlights that wind and solar are now the cheapest new generation sources for two-thirds of the global population and that electricity grids remained stable during the 2020 Covid-19 lockdowns even as renewable shares reached record highs in countries like Denmark (65%), Germany (45%), and Greece (41%). To limit temperature increase to 1.5 degrees, the report notes that coal's market share must drop from 35% to 8% by 2030, requiring wind and solar's share to increase to approximately 29%.

In 2019, the global green bond market reached a record USD258.9 billion in issuance, a 51% increase over 2018. The market saw significant growth in non-financial corporate issuance and the entry of eight new countries. Europe led in cumulative volume, while the USA, China, and France remained the top individual countries by amount issued. Energy, buildings, and transport dominated the use of proceeds, accounting for 82% of the total. The report also notes a rise in green sukuk and the increasing importance of external reviews and Climate Bonds Standard certification.

The document explains the difference between cap-and-trade systems and offsetting mechanisms, detailing the failures of the Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and the risks associated with the Paris Agreement's Article 6. It highlights issues such as 'hot air' credits, double counting, and the lack of local safeguards. It also assesses the CORSIA aviation scheme and the voluntary carbon market, arguing that the global community must move beyond offsetting toward direct climate finance to achieve net-zero emissions.

The report analyses a network of 208 Telegram channels, finding that the platform's limited content moderation makes it a 'safe space' for white supremacists to share pro-terrorist content, tactical guides for violence, and anti-minority hate speech. It highlights a shift toward a 'post-organisational' model of extremism where online networks replace formal group affiliations. The analysis reveals high interconnectivity between channels, the use of 'boogaloo' civil war narratives, and the glorification of lone-actor terrorists.

The document argues that the World Heritage Committee should not defer climate mitigation issues to the UNFCCC, as state parties have independent obligations under the World Heritage Convention to protect properties from climate change. It asserts that site-level mitigation and adaptation are insufficient for highly vulnerable sites like coral reefs and glaciers, which require warming to be limited to well below 1.5°C. The briefing recommends using the List of World Heritage in Danger to enforce corrective measures based on a state's alignment with global emissions pathways.

The authors contend that the EU suffers from diffuse accountability and a 'double deadlock' caused by a reliance on closed-door Franco-German agreements. They argue that Germany's role as a 'benevolent hegemon' is problematic because Berlin seeks to minimize costs and maximize control over debtor states while remaining reluctant to fully embrace its power. The text suggests that the only way to break this impasse is through 'transnational politics'—the creation of shifting alliances across national borders and the engagement of civil society—to replace the current 'constructive ambiguity' of European diplomacy.

The report details how private equity firms continue to acquire coal assets in the US, India, the Philippines, and Europe, often facing financial failure or environmental criticism. While US coal consumption dropped 44% since 2010 and utilities plan to retire dozens of plants by 2025, firms like KKR, Blackstone, and Macquarie have pursued coal investments that have resulted in bankruptcies or increased emissions. The document highlights a disconnect between the global need to reduce coal for the Paris Agreement and the investment strategies of private equity, especially as the COVID-19 pandemic further reduces energy demand.

The report argues that a well-designed climate accountability framework can increase government transparency and coordination across different levels of government to meet 2030 and 2050 targets. Based on international and domestic case studies, it identifies six common elements of such frameworks and proposes a national Canadian model that balances federal leadership with subnational flexibility.

The We Mean Business coalition calls on governments to integrate climate action into economic recovery plans following the Covid-19 pandemic. Citing support from over 700 businesses, the statement advocates for prioritizing investments in clean power, electric mobility, zero-carbon infrastructure, and nature-based solutions to avoid future systemic shocks and create a sustainable labour market.

The statement condemns the Ministry of Agriculture's dismissal of Luis Alberto Gonzales-Zúñiga, the Executive Director of SERFOR, citing a lack of transparency and a breach of established procedures. The signatories argue that the removal occurred as SERFOR was improving timber traceability, which threatened stakeholders benefiting from illegal timber trade. They highlight that approximately 60% of Peruvian timber is of illegal origin and warn that this institutional crisis jeopardizes international agreements, including the Norway-Germany-Peru Agreement and the US-Peru Free Trade Agreement.

The document criticizes the May 30, 2020, opening of the Datteln 4 coal power plant in Germany, alleging that Uniper and its parent company Fortum received significant financial support from BNP Paribas and the European Central Bank (ECB). It claims BNP Paribas provided USD 215 million to Uniper and USD 2.9 billion to Fortum between 2017 and 2019, and that the ECB continues to support Fortum through quantitative easing without considering climate impact.