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The document examines the global disparity in energy consumption, contrasting energy poverty in the Global South and parts of the North with excessive consumption in industrialized nations. It proposes 'energy sufficiency' as a paradigm shift away from orthodox economic growth and purely technocentric efficiency, which can lead to the 'Jevons paradox' (increased overall consumption). Through case studies in Gaza, Cameroon, and the Isle of Eigg, the report demonstrates how community-led, small-scale renewable energy projects can meet basic human needs and empower local populations while maintaining ecological limits.

The report by Friends of the Earth International examines the global disparities in energy consumption, distinguishing between energy exclusion in the Global South and energy poverty in the Global North. It proposes 'energy sufficiency'—defined as using neither more nor less energy than is sufficient for a dignified life—as an alternative to energy efficiency, which can lead to the 'Jevons paradox' or 'rebound effect' where efficiency increases overall consumption. The document illustrates this through case studies: solar PV projects in Gaza to counter electricity shortages; community solar lighting in rural Cameroon to bypass centralized, polluting grids; and a community-owned mini-grid on the Isle of Eigg in Scotland that uses consumption caps to maintain sustainability.

In July 2014, Egypt implemented significant energy subsidy cuts, including a 64% increase in diesel prices, as part of a five-year plan to eliminate most energy subsidies. The reforms aimed to reduce the budget deficit and signal economic stability to investors. While the cuts caused an initial spike in inflation and public discontent among lower-income groups and transport operators, the broader economic outlook improved, and large-scale protests were avoided. The report notes that the government's compensation measures were limited and ad hoc, and that the success of future reforms will depend on more robust social safety nets and the management of politically sensitive products like liquefied petroleum gas (LPG).

The author contends that increasing security measures and restricting liberties in response to terrorist attacks in Paris and elsewhere is ineffective and risks further marginalizing religious groups. The text highlights the rise of far-right movements like Pegida in Germany and the AfD, as well as the growth of populist discourse in Austria, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Denmark. It argues that structural issues—such as the 'apartheid' between French cities and banlieues, youth unemployment, and resource tensions—drive instability. The document advocates for a strategy based on education, equal rights for minorities, and the reinforcement of universal values of freedom and solidarity to combat extremism.

A coalition of global social and climate justice movements, meeting at the PreCOP Social in Venezuela, condemns the 2014 Israeli military offensive and blockade in Gaza. The statement calls for an immediate end to the violence, the lifting of the blockade, and the implementation of a global campaign of boycott, divestment, and sanctions to ensure Israel respects United Nations resolutions and ends its occupation of Palestinian territories.

A coalition of global social movements and climate justice organisations condemns the 2014 Israeli military invasion and bombardment of the Gaza Strip. The statement calls for the immediate lifting of the blockade imposed since 2007 and advocates for a global campaign of boycotts, divestments, and sanctions to end the occupation of Palestinian territory.

A statement issued by Friends of the Earth International and a coalition of global civil society organizations meeting in Venezuela, condemning Israeli military attacks and a land invasion of the Gaza Strip in July 2014.

The report details how the Israeli occupation in the West Bank utilizes environmental degradation, resource expropriation, and restrictive land-use designations as tools for colonization. It highlights the systemic theft of water resources, the dumping of industrial and nuclear waste on Palestinian lands, and the use of 'nature reserves' to justify the displacement of Palestinians and the destruction of their agricultural assets. The document concludes that these environmental crimes are inseparable from the political struggle for Palestinian self-determination.

The report describes a 'ecological Nakba' in the West Bank, where Israeli occupation manifests through the systematic appropriation of land and water, the dumping of toxic and nuclear waste, and the establishment of polluting industries in 'closed zones'. It highlights how environmental protection is used as a tool for land seizure, specifically in areas like Wadi Qana, and details the severe disparity in water access between Palestinian communities and Israeli settlements.

The report details how the Israeli occupation of the West Bank manifests as an 'environmental Nakba,' involving the systematic expropriation of land and water, the dumping of toxic and nuclear waste, and the establishment of polluting industries in 'seam zones.' It highlights specific cases such as the villages of Kafr Dik and Om Elkheir, and the Wadi Qana nature reserve, to illustrate how environmental degradation and 'green washing' are used to displace Palestinians and facilitate settlement expansion.

The report analyzes the views of 55 Egyptian stakeholders, including policy makers, political parties, and NGOs, regarding the operation of the Rafah Crossing Point (RCP). It examines the tension between humanitarian needs and security concerns, the impact of the tunnel economy, and the role of international agreements like the Agreement on Movement and Access (AMA). The findings highlight a fragmented Egyptian approach, where security agencies prioritize countering smuggling and militant infiltration, while political groups like the Muslim Brotherhood advocate for normalized relations with Hamas. The report concludes that a functioning border depends on resolving the Israeli blockade and establishing a unified Palestinian government.

The document argues that the PLO is in acute need of democratic reform to address widespread distrust in its unelected leadership. It proposes a model of fully proportional representative elections for the PNC based on the geographic distribution of Palestinians globally. While political will exists between Fatah and Hamas following the May 2011 Cairo Agreement, the author identifies significant obstacles, including the risk to Jordanian citizenship for voters in Jordan and pressure from Western powers (the Quartet) who oppose a Palestinian leadership that includes Hamas.

The document examines how the Syrian conflict destabilizes the 'resistance front' (Syria, Iran, Hizballah, and Hamas) and alters regional power balances. In Lebanon, the crisis exacerbates sectarian tensions and threatens Hizballah's strategic supply lines. In the Occupied Palestinian Territories, it has forced Hamas to shift its political alignment from Damascus to Qatar and Egypt, potentially strengthening Hamas relative to Fatah but not necessarily advancing the Palestinian national cause. The authors argue that the 'new Arab cold war' framework is becoming less relevant as the Syrian regime collapses and regional actors like Egypt seek new diplomatic paths.

The paper argues that since 2000, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has shifted from a border struggle back to an ethnic conflict, characterized by a 'status quo' regime of Israeli control. This regime utilizes settlement expansion, the Separation Barrier, and the strategic division of Palestinians to maintain Jewish ethnic superiority. The author contends that the two-state solution is currently unachievable due to deep-seated religious radicalization within the settler movement and the IDF, as well as a US policy focused on process over structural change. The document concludes that Israel will only move toward a two-state accommodation when the international costs of maintaining the current regime outweigh the domestic costs of dismantling it.

The research examines Hamas's proposal for a hudna, an extended ceasefire that differs from a final peace deal by allowing the postponement of the refugee right of return. Based on interviews with Hamas leaders in Gaza, Syria, and Lebanon, the study finds that while the hudna is tactical—serving as a means to an objective—it is grounded in Islamic and Arab traditions of conflict resolution (hudna followed by sulh, or reconciliation). The author notes that some Hamas members in Gaza are open to pragmatic compromises, such as land swaps, provided Israel withdraws to 1967 borders. However, the proposal faces challenges from salafi-jihadist groups in Lebanon and Gaza, as well as ideological opposition from other Palestinian factions like Islamic Jihad. Ultimately, the document argues that Hamas is serious about the hudna as a partial solution to establish a Palestinian state without requiring the formal recognition of Israel.

The report finds that Hamas maintained the general structure of Palestinian Authority (PA) institutions to ensure constitutional continuity, though it replaced many management-level officials with loyalists. To survive the Israeli-Egyptian embargo, Hamas established a 'tunnel economy' based on smuggled goods and created its own taxation systems. Public services in health and education were maintained through a pragmatic 'division of labour' with the Fatah-led government in Ramallah, which continued to pay salaries for most staff. However, the judiciary was completely restructured into a parallel apparatus. While some conservative cultural shifts were observed, the report concludes that Hamas's actions reflect power politics and crisis management rather than a grand 'Islamic revolution' or a total redesign of government based on religious principles.

The IBSA Forum has successfully fostered political coordination and South-South dialogue, most notably through its development fund and a 96% vote convergence at the United Nations. While trade integration is hampered by regional constraints, the forum has seen success in science, technology, and revenue service cooperation. The author recommends that IBSA focus on development efforts and trade facilitation rather than overarching trade agreements, positioning itself as a development-oriented complement to the economically driven BRIC grouping.

The report examines the relationship between the global al-Qaida network and the Palestinian polity, focusing on the Gaza Strip. It argues that al-Qaida has used an offensive propaganda campaign to criticize Hamas for political moderation and has attempted to establish an operational foothold in the region. While the report finds no hard evidence of a formal al-Qaida organization in the Palestinian territories, it notes the emergence of various salafi-jihadi groups that have engaged in violence against 'non-Islamic' targets, Christians, and foreigners. Hamas has generally responded defensively to these challenges, fearing that radical elements within its own movement may be receptive to al-Qaida's message, especially under the pressure of international isolation.

The report argues that while climate change is not the sole cause of conflict, it acts as a 'threat multiplier' in the Levant. It identifies six primary security threats, including increased competition for water, intensified food insecurity, and destabilizing forced migration. The authors emphasize that the region's history of conflict and deep distrust undermine its adaptive capacity, making it more vulnerable to environmental shocks. To mitigate these risks, the report proposes four strategies: fostering a culture of conservation, implementing community-level adaptation, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, and enabling regional cooperation through shared resource management.

The document analyzes terrorism in Egypt through three distinct cycles, tracing the evolution from the 1928 founding of the Muslim Brotherhood to the 2006 Dahab bombings. It argues that Egypt's closed political system, socio-economic marginalization—particularly of the Bedouin community in Sinai—and heavy-handed security responses have fueled extremism. The paper also details the significant role of Egyptian nationals, such as Ayman al-Zawahiri, in the formation and leadership of transnational networks like al-Qa'eda, suggesting that domestic repression effectively exported extremism globally.