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The Union of Concerned Scientists argues that the American Chemistry Council (ACC) systematically obstructs science-based chemical regulations to protect industry profits. The report details the ACC's use of 'revolving door' lobbyists, political donations to key congressional committees, and the promotion of flawed industry-funded studies to delay regulations on substances like BPA, flame retardants, and formaldehyde. It further examines the ACC's efforts to weaken the Toxic Substances Control Act (TSCA), limit public access to chemical facility risk data, and influence international trade agreements like the TTIP to prevent the regulation of endocrine disruptors.

The GCF Secretariat report for mid-March to mid-June 2015 details progress in accreditation, readiness support, and the development of a project pipeline. It highlights the achievement of the Fund's effectiveness threshold with approximately US$ 5.47 billion in contributions and the review of 76 public sector concept notes requesting US$ 3.4 billion. The report also outlines the activities of the Private Sector Facility (PSF), including the review of 48 potential project ideas totaling US$ 3.1 billion, and the Secretariat's engagement with UNFCCC thematic bodies and other climate funds to ensure policy coherence.

The document serves as a country study and data compilation of fossil fuel production subsidies in France for the years 2013 and 2014, acting as a background paper for a broader G20 report on the phase-out of these subsidies to support a global energy transition.

As of 31 March 2015, the Green Climate Fund Trust Fund had received total contributions of USDeq. 171.20 million, with USDeq. 128.00 million deposited by 23 contributors. The GCF Board approved funding totaling USD 65.11 million for administrative budgets and readiness activities, while the interim trustee transferred USD 19.62 million. Total funds available to support GCF Board funding decisions were USD 63,147,206.

The We Mean Business Coalition calls on climate negotiators to establish a policy framework that signals long-term decarbonization to guide capital investment. Key demands include a global net-zero objective before the end of the century, a five-year cycle of science-based commitments aligned with IPCC reporting, and shared accountability rules to ensure emissions reductions are accurately tracked.

The report argues that the pharmaceutical industry is fueling the antimicrobial resistance (AMR) crisis through the unmonitored dumping of antibiotic-laden waste into the environment during the production of active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs). It highlights a 'three-tier chain' where raw materials from China are processed in India and then sold to global markets. The document identifies specific polluting factories in China—including NCPC, CSPC/Inner Mongolia Changsheng, and Sinopharm—and links them to major companies such as Pfizer, Teva, and McKesson. It concludes that current Good Manufacturing Practices (GMP) are insufficient because they lack environmental criteria, and calls for greater supply chain transparency and the integration of environmental protection into global pharmaceutical standards.

The policy brief addresses the 'predictability problem' of public climate finance, where funding is often subject to the political caprice of national budgeting processes. It proposes three plans to secure more reliable funding: 'Plan A' involves international levies on aviation and maritime emissions; 'Plan B' suggests earmarking domestic sources like financial transaction taxes or air passenger duties; and 'Plan C' proposes sub-national contributions from entities like California and Quebec. The author advocates for a 'Development Gold Standard' where governments set aside 2% of carbon instrument revenues for the most vulnerable countries, specifically targeting the under-funded Least Developed Country Fund (LDCF).

The report assesses the global climate finance landscape, highlighting the critical role of public finance in catalyzing private investment. It examines various financial tools—including green bonds, carbon pricing, and risk mitigation instruments—and analyzes the performance of multilateral development banks and bilateral agencies. The document emphasizes that while global flows have increased, significant gaps remain in tracking private finance and achieving the USD 100 billion goal due to low carbon prices and a lack of stable enabling environments in developing nations.

The report finds that illegalities are pervasive across DRC's industrial logging concessions, with every visited site between 2011 and 2014 showing violations. These range from over-harvesting and tax avoidance to human rights abuses and the use of fraudulent CITES permits. Despite laws like the EU Timber Regulation and the US Lacey Act, significant volumes of high-risk timber continue to flow to China, Europe, and the US, driven by weak government enforcement and a culture of impunity in the DRC.

This collection of reports and interviews analyzes contemporary European resistance movements, focusing on struggles against extractive industries, infrastructure mega-projects, and economic austerity. It highlights specific cases in Romania, Greece, Scotland, France, and Turkey, while discussing the systemic role of the educated middle class in mobilization. The text argues that Green parties must reconnect with their radical roots and form transversal alliances with social movements to challenge the dominant neoliberal economic model and the 'sacredness of growth'.

The document argues that developing countries can increase their access to climate finance by demonstrating strong fund management and project delivery. Rwanda is presented as a model for this approach, utilizing a national climate-responsive development plan (GGCRS) and a dedicated fund (FONERWA) to streamline resources and improve project quality. Key success factors identified include the use of joint sector reviews for cross-institutional coordination and the 'ubudehe' community-based system for inclusive needs assessments. The briefing recommends that other African nations establish similar dedicated funds to manage funding, prepare viable projects, and implement rigorous monitoring and evaluation to attract further international investment.

The author contends that a European Army is a 'legend' lacking conceptual depth and political feasibility. The text argues that such an entity would require an unacceptable loss of national sovereignty and constitutional changes in member states like Germany and France. Furthermore, it suggests that proponents use the idea to undermine parliamentary oversight of military actions. Instead of a unified army, the author advocates for enhanced security cooperation, the use of 'soft power', and the maintenance of democratic controls.

The document argues that a high-ambition global climate agreement, defined as limiting global warming to 2°C by 2100, is essential for achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It asserts that a low-ambition agreement would undermine efforts to eradicate extreme poverty, equalise gender relations, and provide access to water and energy over the next 15 years. The brief calls for the SDGs and their associated financing to support climate-compatible development, particularly in the poorest and most climate-vulnerable countries.

The report examines the relationship between the 2015 climate agreement and the post-2015 sustainable development goals (SDGs), arguing that a high-ambition agreement is essential for achieving the SDGs by 2030. It analyzes two scenarios—high-ambition and low-ambition—focusing on policies and investment in mitigation and adaptation, with the high-ambition scenario aligned with the UNFCCC goal of limiting global warming to 2°C above pre-industrial levels.

The document examines South Africa's 2014 five-point plan to mitigate electricity shortages, which includes emergency measures, cogeneration, gas substitution, coal independent power programmes, and nuclear and renewable energy exploration. It highlights a lack of clarity in government prioritisation of energy sources and notes that private sector confidence is waning, as evidenced by companies like Sibanye Gold Limited seeking energy independence. The author argues that the government must update the Integrated Resource Plan (IRP) 2010-2030 and provide a transparent assessment of the financial viability and suitability of different energy sources, particularly regarding the high costs and long lead times associated with nuclear and coal investments.

The document examines EFILA, established in 2014, asserting that its members and board consist of law firms and individuals with direct financial stakes in the investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) system. It highlights how EFILA's policy recommendations to the European Commission regarding the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) oppose meaningful reforms, such as appellate mechanisms or limits on investor rights, to protect the profitability of the arbitration industry. The briefing details specific high-profile cases and the 'revolving door' career of EFILA's general secretary to illustrate the conflict of interest inherent in the group's advocacy.

The document examines the evolution of public-private partnerships (PPPs) in China, highlighting 2014 as a pivotal year due to a surge in official guidelines and a strategic shift toward market-led resource allocation. It identifies high local government debt and massive infrastructure needs for urbanization as primary drivers. However, it notes significant barriers, including political and regulatory uncertainties, poor risk allocation, and a lack of 'value for money' (VFM) evaluations. The paper recommends shifting the focus from PPPs as mere funding sources to tools for efficiency and innovation, advocating for performance-based specifications and life-cycle asset management to ensure sustainable development.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) is positioned to be the world's largest multilateral adaptation finance institution, with donor governments committing US$10.2 billion by the end of 2014, half of which is earmarked for adaptation. To ensure effectiveness, the GCF must address cross-cutting parameters including its investment framework, gender policies, stakeholder involvement, and country ownership. Specific recommendations for 2015 include leveraging National Implementing Entities, piloting 'small grants' via enhanced direct access, and integrating adaptation aspects into accountability frameworks. Additionally, the future effectiveness of the GCF's Private Sector Facility remains uncertain pending operational decisions in 2015.

The author contends that modern trade agreements like TTIP, CETA, and TiSA are not about 'free trade' but are tools for corporations to secure interests through secret negotiations. The text argues that these agreements erode national sovereignty, prioritize capital protection over ecological and social rights via private arbitration courts, and threaten public services through privatization. Using NAFTA and a US-Peru agreement as examples, the author claims that promises of growth and jobs often fail to materialize for citizens, benefiting only large corporations.

The document analyzes the ideological shift within European green parties—specifically in Belgium, France, and Germany—from a foundation of anti-militarism and nuclear disarmament in the 1980s toward a complex tension between pacifism and the 'responsibility to protect' human rights. It highlights how events such as the Kosovo conflict, the September 11 attacks, and the 2011 intervention in Libya created internal divisions between those advocating for absolute non-violence and those supporting legal military intervention to prevent massacres. The author argues that green parties must now address new complexities of modern warfare, including privatization and environmental consequences, to pursue their ultimate goals of world peace and global disarmament.