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The analysis finds that armed conflict in Africa generally follows a global pattern of decline when measured relative to population growth, though this was disrupted by the Cold War and has seen a recent uptick since 2010. Africa is uniquely characterized by high levels of 'non-state conflict'—violence between armed groups not involving the government—which the author attributes to weak governance. While terrorism is rising globally, the Middle East is currently experiencing faster growth than Africa. The paper also highlights that internal conflicts now dominate globally over interstate wars, and warns that climate change may increase local conflicts over resources in northern and southern Africa.

The document warns that a 'hot air bubble' of 4 billion pollution credits across the EU ETS and ESD could reduce the actual effectiveness of the EU's 2030 climate target from 40% to as low as 26%. It details how 1.35 billion tonnes of surplus credits in the Effort Sharing Decision and 2.6 billion excess allowances in the Emissions Trading System are created by weak targets, international offsets, and free permit allocations to industry. The author calls on EU Heads of State to disallow the banking of ESD surpluses and permanently cancel excess EU ETS allowances to prevent these 'phantom rights to pollute' from carrying over into the 2030 framework.

The signatories argue that Russia has escalated its conflict in Ukraine through the deployment of regular troops and heavy military equipment, specifically targeting industrial hubs like Mariupol to create a land bridge to Crimea. They contend that the Russian leadership seeks to destabilize Ukraine to prevent it from becoming a successful, democratically reformed state. The authors urge the EU to impose new sanctions, provide humanitarian aid, secure energy supplies, and offer financial assistance to prevent economic collapse, while calling for the suspension of visa requirements for Ukrainian citizens as a sign of solidarity.

The document outlines the European Union's attempts to regulate international aviation emissions through the EU-ETS and the subsequent 'stop the clock' derogations following pressure from China, India, and the US. It notes that ICAO is considering market-based measures (MBM) for post-2020 CO2 emissions, with a decision expected in 2016. Carbon Market Watch urges the EU to resume including all flights in its cap-and-trade scheme if ICAO does not implement ambitious global targets and measures by 2016.

Benoit Lechat discusses the need to expand the social base of ecological politics in Europe, analyzing the 2014 European election results and the ideological barriers posed by neoliberalism and 'liberal productivism'.

The text examines the role of political ecology in promoting autonomy and 'plausible utopias' while critiquing the current state of European politics. The author highlights a 'monstrous complementarity' between conformist and extremist conservatism in Europe, which marginalizes progressive voices and limits the impact of green parties. Using the 2013 vote on the 2014-2020 multiannual financial framework as an example, the author illustrates how major parties (Conservatives, Socialists, and Liberals) often align on conservative budgets, leaving the Greens' opposition ineffective. The document concludes that the crisis of legitimacy in European and national institutions requires a fundamental rethinking of political parties, suggesting they become more permeable structures that prioritize democratic risk and ideological pluralism over rigid organizational traditions.

The text examines the 'sustainability of democracy' through two lenses: the long-term viability of democratic systems and the ability of representative systems to address ecological needs and the rights of future generations. It identifies worrisome trends in European elections, including low voter turnout and the rise of populist and authoritarian tendencies, which it suggests were accentuated by the economic and financial crisis. The author argues that Green political foundations are uniquely positioned to lead a 'democratic reboot' because their autonomy from political parties allows them to engage more effectively with diverse social and democratic movements. The document emphasizes that any reform of democratic institutions must account for the structural social and anthropological changes in post-industrial societies that have occurred between 1980 and 2014.

The document explores the use of bilateral agreements as an alternative to European Commission certification for biofuels to meet the sustainability criteria of the EU Renewable Energy Directive, specifically considering their potential to offer more flexibility for exporting developing countries and to address broader land use and natural resource management policies.

The document introduces a study on the 2010 Ahmedabad heat wave, highlighting the city's role as the first in India to develop a comprehensive early warning system and preparedness plan for extreme heat. It outlines the methodology used to calculate excess mortality by comparing death counts from May 2010 against mean counts from May 2009 and 2011.

The author contends that the EU's failure to end austerity and its lack of transparency have alienated citizens, particularly young people, contributing to the success of right-wing populist parties in the 2014 European Parliament elections. To counter this, the text advocates for institutional reforms such as transnational lists, increased legislative powers for the European Parliament, and a New Convention ratified by referendum. Additionally, it emphasizes the need for EU-focused education in school curricula and better coverage of EU matters in national media to bridge the gap between the EU and its citizens.

The report examines why land rental markets in Brazil are underdeveloped compared to international standards, noting that only 3.3% of cultivated land was under lease or partnership agreements in the last Agricultural Census. It identifies legal imperfections—such as non-negotiable contract clauses, rent ceilings, and minimum contract durations—as primary deterrents to market growth. The document argues that deregulating these markets would allow for more efficient land use, specifically suggesting that over 40 million hectares of degraded pasture outside the Amazon could be converted to sugarcane production to increase agricultural value and reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

The report finds that Brazil's land rental markets are significantly underdeveloped compared to North America and Europe, with only 3.3% of agricultural land under lease or sharecropping. This inefficiency is attributed to insecure property rights and a rigid legal framework, primarily the 1964 Land Statute, which imposes non-renounceable clauses to protect renters. The authors argue that these regulations are outdated for today's more capitalized farmers and that deregulation could boost agricultural productivity and reduce greenhouse gas emissions by facilitating the conversion of degraded pastureland to sugarcane production.

The report argues that the 19th-century utility model, designed for centralized fossil-fuel generation, is ill-suited for the 21st-century transition to low-carbon energy. It identifies critical challenges across five business segments: generation, transmission, market operation, distribution, and customer management. A central thesis is that current investor-owned utility (IOU) and independent power producer (IPP) financial structures inflate the cost of renewables by imposing risk-return requirements tailored to fossil fuels. The author proposes shifting toward 'YieldCos', municipal financing, and crowdsourced investment to match the bond-like, long-term cash flow profiles of renewable projects, which could potentially reduce the levelized cost of energy (LCOE) by approximately 20%.

The document argues that agricultural cooperatives promote inclusive investment by allowing farmers to maintain control over resources while achieving economies of scale. It highlights that well-organized cooperatives reduce risk for foreign investors and facilitate more efficient contracting. The brief emphasizes that government support should be limited to creating an enabling legal environment and providing technical resources, rather than interfering in internal management, as bottom-up initiatives are generally more successful.

The document promotes agricultural cooperatives as a socially and politically acceptable alternative to 'land grabbing,' allowing farmers to retain control of their resources while accessing markets and finance. It distinguishes between production and service cooperatives and highlights the benefits of collective bargaining and resource sharing. The text emphasizes that while foreign investment can reduce risk and provide capital, government support should be limited to creating a favorable legal environment and providing technical training, rather than direct interference in management.

The text analyzes the rise of populist right-wing parties in the wake of the European elections, attributing this trend to the devastating impacts of neo-liberalism and the Troika's priorities. It calls for the Greens and other democratic forces to move beyond pragmatism and reinvent the welfare state toward sustainability and a common European interest to counter nationalism.

The document critiques the predominantly national level of First World War memorialization, arguing that such approaches often reproduce the nationalistic discourse that led to the conflict. The author proposes a new culture of remembrance under the auspices of the European Parliament that emphasizes the shared experience of futility and horror over national honor. By disclosing diverse narratives and historic grievances, the author suggests that Europe can create the mutual trust necessary to overcome current political and economic stalemates and strengthen the European Union's democratic legitimacy.

The document emphasizes that urban sustainability is not merely a technological challenge but involves power relations, culture, and social values. It advocates for the use of participatory methods to integrate the 'cognitive dimension'—the knowledge, perceptions, and values of diverse stakeholders—to identify barriers and opportunities in energy transitions. Using a Fuzzy Cognitive Mapping (FCM) study in Bilbao, the authors demonstrate that social initiatives and changes in lifestyle yield superior results in reducing emissions and improving quality of life compared to purely economic or institutional measures.

The document details the development of Ahmedabad's Heat Action Plan, a pilot initiative led by a coalition of academic, health, and environmental groups including the NRDC and IIPH. Triggered by a deadly heat wave in May 2010, the plan focuses on early warning systems, community outreach, and capacity building for health workers. Key successes include strong municipal leadership and the use of scientific research to identify vulnerable groups, such as slum dwellers and outdoor workers. The document highlights the importance of interagency coordination and the need to treat heat waves as natural disasters to secure political will and funding.

The report identifies that current investor-owned utility and independent power producer models are ill-suited for the low-carbon transition, potentially raising renewable energy costs by up to 20%. It proposes a systemic evolution across five segments: generation (matching financing to risk profiles), transmission (improving renewable integration), market operation (valuing flexibility), distribution (adapting to distributed generation), and customer management (integrating demand response and electric vehicles). The document highlights the emergence of new financing models like YieldCos as a way to provide secure cash flows and lower costs.