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The document provides a comprehensive survey of quantitative research on the health impacts of climate change, categorizing studies by their methodological approach (primary, secondary, and comparative risk assessments) and the statistical models employed (time-series, non-parametric, and panel/spatial models). It highlights the complex relationship between climatic variables and diseases, particularly malaria, and reviews major global reports from the WHO and the Stern Review to outline the broader economic and public health implications of global warming.

The document assesses Saudi Arabia's transition toward a diversified, non-oil-dependent economy and the resulting commercial opportunities for South Africa. It highlights Saudi Arabia's economic reforms, including the development of six mega-cities and the opening of its investment climate through SAGIA. The authors argue that South Africa is currently lagging behind other emerging powers like China and India in exploiting these opportunities and recommends reviving dormant bilateral mechanisms such as the Joint Economic Commission to attract Saudi investment and expand South African trade in the Gulf region.

The document examines how natural resources—both through abundance and scarcity—fuel social and armed conflicts in Africa. It argues that traditional peace processes often fail by focusing on 'high politics' (like power-sharing) while ignoring the underlying political economy of resource distribution. Using the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (IC/GLR), and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) as examples, the author advocates for integrating natural resource management into diplomatic and mediation frameworks to achieve sustainable peace.

The document analyzes China's 'exceptionalism' in Africa, a policy framework based on the 1955 Bandung conference principles of sovereignty, non-interference, and mutual benefit. While this approach seeks to differentiate China from Western powers by emphasizing political equality and a non-donor-recipient model, the author identifies three primary challenges to its sustainability: the tension between non-interference and the protection of economic interests, the gap between nominal sovereign equality and actual power asymmetry, and the lack of central government control over autonomous sub-state and private actors.

The document critiques the African Union's (AU) decision to increase AMISOM forces from approximately 6,300 to 8,000 troops following Al-Shabaab bombings in Kampala in July 2010. It argues that the mission lacks the resources and political support necessary to succeed, noting that the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) lacks national legitimacy. Drawing parallels to failures in Afghanistan and previous UN missions in Somalia, the authors suggest that military intervention alone cannot resolve the crisis. They recommend a holistic strategy centered on an all-inclusive political process involving Al-Shabaab, Hizbul Islam, Puntland, and Somaliland, alongside the involvement of regional actors like Ethiopia and Eritrea, before transferring the mandate to a fully resourced UN mission.

The communiqué from the July 2010 Kampala conference identifies critical areas for improving the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). Key recommendations include the urgent need to fill the vacant CEO position of the APRM Secretariat, the integration of National Programmes of Action (NPOA) into national budgeting and planning, and the requirement for National Governing Councils to maintain institutional independence with a non-executive majority. The document emphasizes that while twelve countries had completed reviews by 2010, the pace of accession and execution remains slow, urging all 53 African states to join the mechanism.

The report examines the surge in land acquisitions across Africa for agrofuel production, driven largely by EU mandatory targets for renewable transport fuels. It finds that approximately 5 million hectares of land have been acquired for fuel crops, often without community consent. The document argues that these 'land grabs' threaten food security by competing with food crops for fertile land and water, while providing minimal local employment. Environmental impacts include deforestation in the Congo Basin and habitat loss in Ethiopia's Babile Elephant Sanctuary. The report concludes that agrofuels are often exported for international profit rather than providing local energy security, leaving African nations with depleted natural resources.

The report argues that the expansion of agrofuels in Africa, driven largely by European Union mandates, leads to 'neo-colonialism' where land is acquired by foreign companies and governments. This process results in the displacement of local farmers, increased food insecurity, and significant ecological damage, including deforestation and water scarcity. The document highlights the 'myth of marginal lands,' asserting that land claimed as unused is often vital for communal survival. It recommends halting land acquisitions, prioritizing food sovereignty, and ensuring the free, prior, and informed consent of local communities.

The Pilot Project Pakistan (PPP), launched in 2008, tested a model to support Norwegian-Pakistani organizations that did not meet standard Norad funding requirements. The project utilized a dual-resource structure with a secretariat in Norway (Development Fund and Norwegian Church Aid) and a resource organization in Pakistan (Sungi) to provide capacity building, project guidance, and monitoring. The review found that the PPP successfully increased the development impact of diaspora initiatives and fostered the inclusion of diaspora groups in Norwegian society. Key successes included the transition of some participants to regular Norad funding and the creation of networking synergies. However, challenges remained regarding the 50-50 funding ratio, the need for better needs-assessments for training, and the vulnerability of local partners to staff turnover. The report recommends establishing a long-term resource centre for diaspora organizations to provide ongoing competence building and coordination.

The policy brief evaluates the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM), a governance monitoring tool designed to foster political stability and sustainable development in Africa. The author identifies ten reasons for optimism, noting that 29 African countries have voluntarily joined the process and that the mechanism has accelerated its pace of reviews over time. While the author acknowledges that the system struggles to hold heads of state accountable for specific crises, the APRM has produced comprehensive reports that identify systemic weaknesses and has led to tangible governance gains in countries like Ghana, Rwanda, and Kenya. The brief concludes that the APRM empowers citizens through participatory assessment and promotes peer learning among states, though it requires more transparent leadership and better documentation of successes to maintain momentum.

The 2010 flight disruptions caused by the Eyjafjallajokull eruption primarily affected African countries dependent on air-transported agricultural perishables, such as flower exporters in East Africa. While bulk commodity trade via sea remained stable, the crisis highlighted the vulnerability of relying on Europe as a primary trading partner. The author argues that African nations must diversify their trade partners, specifically exploring South-South trade with emerging economies like Brazil, India, and China, to mitigate risks from future natural disasters or trade restrictions.

The report examines the environmental, social, and economic impacts of unconventional oil extraction, focusing on tar sands and oil shale. It highlights that these resources produce significantly higher greenhouse gas emissions than conventional oil and cause severe local ecological damage, such as boreal forest destruction in Canada. The document criticizes the EU's Fuel Quality Directive for potentially underestimating the carbon intensity of these fuels and urges the EU to discourage their import and investment. It also details the involvement of European companies in projects across Venezuela, Madagascar, Congo, Russia, Jordan, and Morocco, warning that such developments in countries with weak governance risk exacerbating the 'resource curse' and undermining Millennium Development Goals.

The document provides a comprehensive review of India's involvement in UN peacekeeping missions in Africa, from the 1960 Congo crisis to missions in the 21st century. It identifies a shift in India's motivations from Cold War-era non-alignment and anti-colonial solidarity toward a strategic desire for global recognition and a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. The author details specific missions in countries such as Angola, Somalia, and Sierra Leone, highlighting both the humanitarian successes and the operational failures or controversies encountered. It concludes that India is likely to adopt a more cost-effective, case-by-case approach to future African peacekeeping to better serve its national interests.

Dr. Jakkie Cilliers, Executive Director of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS), delivered opening remarks on April 13, 2010, for the launch of the ISS's expanded Nairobi office. The speech details the ISS's evolution from a South African organization founded in 1991 to a pan-African think tank focused on "sustainable human security." Cilliers highlights the institute's regional presence in Pretoria, Cape Town, Addis Ababa, and Nairobi, and its collaborations with various African Union and regional bodies. The remarks also introduce new initiatives, including the African Conflict Prevention System (ACPS) and the proposed ISS Peace Academy in Addis Ababa, which aims to provide training on non-traditional security issues such as climate change.

The document reports on a February 2010 roundtable discussing the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights the mechanism's success in attracting 30 member states and producing 12 comprehensive Country Review Reports (CRRs) that diagnose governance failures. However, it identifies critical weaknesses, including a 'crisis of leadership', insufficient funding, and a lack of systematic implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The discussion emphasizes the need for greater transparency in the Panel of Eminent Persons and more robust civil society engagement to ensure the APRM's long-term credibility and impact.

The Treaty of Pelindaba establishes Africa as a nuclear-weapon-free zone, prohibiting the research, development, stationing, and testing of nuclear explosive devices. Entered into force on 15 July 2009, the treaty requires parties to renounce nuclear weapons, prohibit the dumping of radioactive waste, and maintain high security standards for nuclear facilities. Compliance is managed by the African Commission on Nuclear Energy (AFCONE), and verification of peaceful nuclear activities is conducted through comprehensive safeguards agreements with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). The treaty includes three protocols to ensure the cooperation of nuclear-weapon states and those controlling territories within the zone.

The document analyzes the relationship between agricultural trade policies and food security, specifically focusing on the vulnerabilities of net food-importing developing countries (NFIDCs) during the Doha Round of WTO negotiations. It argues that while some Doha Round flexibilities primarily benefit food-producing nations, the reduction of trade-distorting domestic support in developed countries could provide long-term food security by stabilizing prices and reducing biofuel-driven crop diversion.

The document analyzes the African Standby Force (ASF) as a critical component of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It argues that while the ASF is designed to provide a rapid, multidimensional response to African crises—including the right to intervene in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity—its effectiveness is severely hindered by gaps in funding, logistics, administrative capacity, and political will. The author concludes that the ASF is unlikely to meet its projected 2010 operational capabilities and will likely have a modest impact on complex conflicts in the short to medium term.

The paper critiques South Africa's first APRM Implementation Report for failing to distinguish between general post-apartheid achievements and specific progress made under the APRM National Programme of Action. It identifies significant gaps in reporting on corruption, xenophobia, and corporate governance, while noting that the report was likely rushed and lacks self-criticism. The author suggests that the South African government viewed the APRM as an external diplomatic requirement rather than a domestic tool for governance improvement.

The author proposes that Africa establish an informal 'club of states' similar to the G8 or G20 to address continental challenges and represent Africa globally. The brief argues that formal institutions like the African Union (AU) are hindered by a commitment to equality among states and resistance to reform, which leads to weak compromises. To achieve effectiveness, the author suggests an 'A5 Club' consisting of South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Ethiopia, and Kenya, with Egypt as a possible sixth member. This group would be based on 'effectiveness and capabilities' rather than democratic legitimacy, aiming to stabilise failing states, end conflicts, and steer AU political processes.