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ClientEarth argues that Clause 1 of the Judicial Review and Courts Bill, specifically the introduction of prospective-only quashing orders, would weaken the public's right to an effective remedy when public bodies act unlawfully. The briefing contends that these proposals conflict with the UK's obligations under Article 13 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Article 9(4) of the Aarhus Convention, thereby damaging environmental democracy. It further warns that such remedies could allow unlawful decisions to stand, reducing accountability and preventing the protection of the environment from irretrievable harm.

The document advocates for the expansion of the Ultra Low Emission Zone (ULEZ) in London, scheduled for 25 October 2021, to address illegal levels of nitrogen dioxide (NO2) and the resulting public health risks. It highlights that air pollution disproportionately affects vulnerable groups and low-income households, while noting that without such policies, London would have taken 193 years from 2016 to meet legal NO2 limits. The briefing calls for further support through scrappage schemes and a comprehensive plan to tackle pollution hotspots near schools and hospitals.

A September 2021 survey of 898 registered U.S. voters shows broad support for international climate action. A majority of voters believe the U.S. should reduce greenhouse gas emissions regardless of other countries' actions (66%) and support the government's pledge to reduce carbon pollution by 50% by 2030 (73%). There is also significant support for pressuring other nations to reduce pollution (78%) and providing financial and technical aid to developing countries for both mitigation (66%) and adaptation (61%). While there is cross-partisan agreement that developing and other industrialized nations should do more to address global warming, support for U.S.-led action varies significantly by political ideology, with the lowest support found among conservative Republicans.

A coalition of brands, agencies, and civil society organisations, coordinated by the Conscious Advertising Network, has issued a letter of solidarity demanding that major social media platforms take urgent action against online racism. The letter specifically references the abuse directed at England's players following a major tournament and argues that the companies funding these platforms share a responsibility to ensure user safety. The signatories demand updated hate speech policies, better enforcement, and the reporting of racist abuse as a crime by August 13, 2021.

The Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment (CAPE) criticizes Canada's low climate finance contributions relative to its wealth and emissions, urging the government to double its annual funding to $5.2 billion and prioritize adaptation for the most vulnerable communities.

The author contends that the UK government is utilizing a 'Trump-style core vote strategy' to distract from pandemic failures and sustain the Leave coalition. This approach involves criminalizing protest, targeting minority groups such as Gypsy and Traveller communities, and undermining the rule of law and media independence. The text describes a breakdown of the 'good chap' model of governance, replaced by high-level cronyism and neoliberal failure. The author advocates for a positive alternative vision based on a just transition to a carbon-neutral society, proportional representation, and a move away from centralism.

Reclaim Finance criticizes Lloyd’s of London for maintaining a coal policy that allows new insurance cover for coal plants and thermal coal mines until January 2022, potentially enabling projects like the Whitehaven mine in England and Adani’s Carmichael project in Australia. The author highlights gaps in the policy, specifically the lack of exclusions for coal transport infrastructure and coal developers, and argues that the 30% revenue threshold for phasing out thermal coal by 2030 is too high and too slow compared to other European insurers.

The document argues that agroecology, a science-based set of practices and social movement, offers a sustainable alternative to industrial agriculture, which accounts for up to 37% of global greenhouse gas emissions. It highlights that approximately 30% of global farms have already adopted agroecological principles, leading to increased crop yields, higher farmer incomes, and improved biodiversity. However, the briefing notes that scaling up these practices is hindered by governance and finance systems that heavily subsidize industrial agriculture, with only 1%-1.5% of agricultural and aid budgets currently supporting agroecological approaches. To overcome these barriers, the document recommends reorienting public funding, integrating agroecology into research and education, and increasing the participation of small-scale producers in food governance.

A September 2021 survey of 898 registered U.S. voters shows broad support for international climate action, including a 73% approval rate for the U.S. pledge to reduce carbon pollution by 50% by 2030. While 66% of voters believe the U.S. should reduce emissions regardless of other countries' actions, there is even stronger consensus that developing countries (81%) and other industrialized nations (74%) should do more to address global warming. Support for providing financial and technical aid to developing countries for mitigation (66%) and adaptation (61%) has increased since March 2021, though significant partisan divides remain, particularly among conservative Republicans.

The report identifies a five-part cycle for effective mutual accountability: clarifying commitments, sharing performance information, evaluating performance through debate, experiencing reputational or relational consequences, and undertaking corrective action. It emphasizes that mutual accountability should be a constructive, learning-oriented process rather than a punitive one, supported by strong partnership foundations such as shared purpose and equalized power relationships. The findings suggest that for the SWA MAM to succeed, it must be co-designed at the national level, maintain a balance between global legitimacy and national ownership, and be integrated into existing national planning cycles.

The Court of Justice confirmed that State aid for nuclear power plants is permissible under Article 107(3)(c) TFEU provided it is compatible with the internal market. Crucially, the ruling establishes that EU environmental law—including the precautionary and sustainability principles—applies to the nuclear sector, and any aid to an activity violating these laws is necessarily incompatible with the internal market. ClientEarth argues that the Commission should use this precedent to systematically enforce Green Deal objectives and the 'do no significant harm' principle across all State aid, recommending updated notification forms and stricter compliance checks for climate neutrality targets.

The report presents survey data from March 2021 on U.S. registered voters' attitudes toward international climate action. It finds broad support for the U.S. reducing emissions regardless of other countries' actions, participation in the Paris Climate Agreement, and pressuring other nations to reduce carbon pollution. While there is strong consensus that developing and industrialized nations should do more to address global warming, support for providing financial and technical aid to developing countries for mitigation and adaptation is more divided along partisan lines.

The report presents survey data from March 2021 on U.S. registered voters' perspectives on international climate action. It finds broad support for the U.S. reducing emissions regardless of other nations' actions, participation in the Paris Climate Agreement, and pressuring other countries to reduce carbon pollution. While there is strong consensus that developing and industrialized nations should do more to address global warming, support for providing financial aid for mitigation and adaptation to developing countries is more divided along partisan lines.

The report analyzes the legal and governance void created by Brexit, specifically the loss of the European Commission's enforcement role and the CJEU's jurisdiction. It examines the proposed Office for Environmental Protection (OEP) under the Environment Bill, the shift to 'retained EU law', and the risks associated with increased secondary legislation and resource shortages in agencies like the Environment Agency and Natural England. Case studies on air quality and pesticides illustrate the potential for regressive environmental standards and the loss of independent scientific oversight.

The paper explores 'Buen Vivir', an indigenous-rooted concept from Latin America that challenges anthropocentrism and infinite economic growth. It examines the concept's formal introduction into EU-Latin American relations via a 2015 EuroLat resolution and contrasts it with the 'Green Economy' and 'European Green Deal', which the authors argue maintain a growth-centric logic. While governmental adoption in Europe remains limited, the text identifies local 'post-developmentalist' practices in countries like Spain, Greece, and the Netherlands—such as agroecology and the recognition of nature's rights—as aligned with Buen Vivir principles.

The author contends that the United States' limited genome sequencing efforts—sequencing only 0.3% of cases compared to 5-10% in the United Kingdom—have delayed the detection of the highly transmissible B.1.1.7 strain. The text advocates for integrating genome sequencing and metagenomic sequencing into a permanent disease early warning toolkit to protect against future mutations and bioweapons.

The document examines the risks posed to UK agricultural environmental standards by new Free Trade Agreements (FTAs), particularly with the US, Australia, and New Zealand. It proposes a system of 'core' environmental standards based on environmental significance, production constraints, and cost impacts. To protect these, the author suggests several mechanisms: voluntary labelling, legally binding non-regression clauses, conditional import tariffs, and the introduction of mandatory environmental standards for imports. The briefing emphasizes the need for an independent expert body to provide the evidence base and governance required to implement these measures without breaching WTO rules.

ClientEarth's submission to the Independent Review of Administrative Law (IRAL) emphasizes the constitutional importance of judicial review as a check on executive power and a tool for environmental protection. The organization argues that there is no evidence of a systemic imbalance in the current system and warns that hasty reforms could undermine the rule of law and the UK's obligations under the Aarhus Convention. Key recommendations include extending time limits for planning cases, introducing one-way costs shifting for public interest claims, and expanding the scope of available remedies to include the modification of decisions.

The paper examines the UK's handling of the Covid-19 pandemic, highlighting a lack of decisive government action, contradictory messaging, and failures in PPE procurement. It notes that while the public was largely compliant, trust was undermined by perceived double standards and the impact of long-term austerity on the NHS. The author argues that the pandemic exacerbated existing social inequalities, particularly for BAME groups, and converged with the political tensions of Brexit and the Black Lives Matter movement.

The document examines the role of local and community-based adaptation (CBA) in addressing climate risks, emphasizing that while local actions are often the most cost-effective and socially acceptable, they are frequently hindered by top-down planning and insufficient financing. It proposes a shift toward locally led processes that integrate indigenous knowledge, devolved financing, and multi-stakeholder governance to achieve sustainable and equitable resilience.