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The document analyzes the strategic interdependence between China and Angola, where Chinese credit lines for infrastructure are guaranteed by oil supplies, and Chinese national oil companies seek equity in Angolan oil blocs. It details the 'Angola model' of resource-collateralized loans and the specific successes and failures of Sinopec's upstream and downstream ventures.

The document analyzes the African Standby Force (ASF) as a critical component of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA). It argues that while the ASF is designed to provide a rapid, multidimensional response to African crises—including the right to intervene in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity—its effectiveness is severely hindered by gaps in funding, logistics, administrative capacity, and political will. The author concludes that the ASF is unlikely to meet its projected 2010 operational capabilities and will likely have a modest impact on complex conflicts in the short to medium term.

The author proposes that Africa establish an informal 'club of states' similar to the G8 or G20 to address continental challenges and represent Africa globally. The brief argues that formal institutions like the African Union (AU) are hindered by a commitment to equality among states and resistance to reform, which leads to weak compromises. To achieve effectiveness, the author suggests an 'A5 Club' consisting of South Africa, Nigeria, Angola, Ethiopia, and Kenya, with Egypt as a possible sixth member. This group would be based on 'effectiveness and capabilities' rather than democratic legitimacy, aiming to stabilise failing states, end conflicts, and steer AU political processes.

The 'Healing the Rift' project, led by the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS) with technical support from the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), piloted conflict-sensitive conservation (CSC) strategies in the Democratic Republic of Congo's Albertine Rift. The project focused on four sites: Virunga National Park, Kahuzi-Biega National Park, Itombwe Massif, and Misotshi-Kabogo. By utilizing conflict analysis, stakeholder dialogue, and participatory mapping, the project aimed to reduce illegal resource extraction and resolve disputes over protected area boundaries. Key successes included the establishment of monitoring committees for Lake Edward fisheries and the proactive community-supported design of the proposed Ngamika National Park. However, the report notes that long-term sustainability is threatened by persistent poverty, lack of alternative livelihoods for resource extractors, and ongoing insecurity.

The document examines the complex relationship between protected areas and conflict, noting that conservation efforts can either fuel social tensions or be exploited by military groups. It specifically analyzes transboundary protected areas (TBPAs), which are often established in conflict-prone regions with the intent of promoting peace, but may introduce complexities related to national sovereignty and border inequities. The authors propose the use of Peace and Conflict Impact Assessments (PCIAs)—tools derived from the humanitarian sector—to systematically evaluate how conservation interventions affect local and regional peace dynamics. The paper concludes that because TBPAs are often self-described as peacebuilding projects, they require rigorous, ground-tested measurement tools like PCIAs to ensure they 'do no harm' and actually support stability.

The report examines South Africa's energy security, highlighting a critical over-reliance on coal-fired power generated by the state utility Eskom. It argues that this dependency creates a conflict with the country's climate mitigation goals and international commitments. The author identifies structural and institutional barriers—specifically Eskom's market dominance and a lack of coordinated government policy—that hinder the adoption of renewable energy. The report suggests that South Africa must shift from a 'business as usual' fossil-fuel path toward a 'business unusual' approach, leveraging regional hydroelectric and gas potential within the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) to ensure a sustainable and secure energy future.

The paper argues that trade policies are often gender-blind and can reduce the policy space for states to implement pro-gender development strategies. It highlights the critical role of the informal economy, where approximately 70% of traders in sub-Saharan Africa are women, and suggests that regional trade agreements (RTAs) are better suited to women's needs than large global markets. The authors identify institutional and legal hurdles—rather than social traditions—as the primary obstacles to women's business growth. The document recommends the adoption of a 'gender perspective' in trade analysis and the creation of a gender-sensitivity yardstick for RTAs to ensure that trade liberalization does not exacerbate existing inequalities, particularly in the agricultural sector.

The report examines energy security in Southern Africa, focusing on the need to expand electricity generation capacity and diversify away from coal. It identifies the Southern African Power Pool (SAPP) as a key mechanism for regional cooperation to exploit vast hydropower potential in countries like the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Mozambique. However, the report notes that urgent short-term power shortages often lead countries, especially South Africa, to rely on quicker, coal-fired solutions, creating a 'lock-in' effect. It argues that for SAPP to succeed, the region must overcome significant regulatory risks, high upfront capital costs for hydropower, and a lack of cost-reflective pricing in national utilities.

The document outlines the evolution of the 'Women, Peace and Security' framework, starting with UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000), which shifted the perception of women from victims to active participants in peace and security. It details three subsequent resolutions: 1820 (2008) and 1888 (2009), which focus on sexual violence in conflict, and 1889 (2009), which addresses women's participation in post-conflict peacebuilding. The brief notes that 17 member-states have developed National Action Plans (NAPs) and highlights specific Norwegian initiatives, including financial support for gender balance in humanitarian operations and the recruitment of women into police reserve pools.

The document details the conclusion of the peace process between the Government of Burundi and the Palipehutu-FNL, including the disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) of combatants and the movement's transition into a political party. It further analyses the volatile pre-electoral environment for the 2010 polls, highlighting disputes over the electoral code, internal party divisions, and the risk of violence driven by the militarisation of youth leagues and incomplete civilian disarmament.

The document examines the technical and political challenges of integrating REDD into global climate policy, focusing on the scope of activities (from REDD to REDD++), financing mechanisms, measurement, reporting and verification (MRV) standards, and institutional governance. It highlights the diversity of national circumstances, particularly in Africa, and the need for a phased implementation approach that balances equity with efficiency.

The report examines the technical, financial, and institutional challenges of implementing REDD, focusing on the definitions of 'forest', funding mechanisms, and measurement, reporting, and verification (MRV) systems.

The document examines the theoretical tension between universal human rights and state sovereignty, using South Africa as a case study. It argues that while human rights are widely accepted as legitimate in foreign policy, their practical application is often hindered by the principle of non-interference. The author critiques South Africa's perceived shift from the moral leadership of the Mandela era toward a policy of protecting state sovereignty, particularly in its dealings with Zimbabwe, Sudan, and Burma. The paper concludes that South Africa must move beyond an absolutist notion of sovereignty and integrate a broader spectrum of human rights—including socio-economic rights—into its concrete foreign policy practice to regain its international reputation.

The document argues that South Africa's international credibility in climate negotiations is undermined by a domestic reliance on fossil fuels and a slow integration of climate considerations into economic policy. Using Robert Putnam's 'two-level game' framework, it highlights the tension between Level I (international negotiations) and Level II (domestic interests), particularly the influence of the coal and oil industries. While South Africa champions developing nations' interests globally, its domestic energy strategy continues to favour coal-fired power and coal-to-liquids technology. The paper suggests that the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region offers untapped renewable energy potential that could help reconcile these competing imperatives.

The document examines the role of global governance in Africa's mining sector, focusing on the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), the Kimberley Process (KP), and the Diamond Development Initiative (DDI). It argues that while these initiatives promote ethical corporate behavior and transparency, they face significant challenges in monitoring, compliance, and addressing human rights abuses. The author highlights a disconnect between mineral wealth and human development, noting that countries like the DRC, Angola, and Sierra Leone remain low in Human Development Index rankings despite their resources.

The document analyzes the systemic failures of forest governance in Africa, highlighting how colonial-era centralized bureaucracies and externally imposed paradigms—such as industrial logging, biodiversity conservation, and REDD—have marginalized local stakeholders. It documents widespread corruption where political elites use logging concessions for personal enrichment or political financing, and notes that while some countries have attempted decentralization, these reforms are often bureaucratic and fail to grant genuine tenure rights to communities.

The report evaluates the EU-South Africa Strategic Partnership, highlighting its shift from a development-focused relationship to a high-level political alliance. It details cooperation across 13 pillars, including energy, science, and climate change, while noting tensions over economic partnership agreement (EPA) negotiations and sanctions on Zimbabwe.

The report examines the transition of Zimbabwe's government following the 2008 electoral crisis and the subsequent formation of an Inclusive Government (IG) under the Global Political Agreement (GPA). While the IG achieved early economic successes, including taming hyperinflation and securing international aid, it faced significant political deadlock. Key obstacles include the lack of security sector reform, disputes over unilateral political appointments, and disagreements over the constitution-making process. The author argues that the GPA's general nature allows ZANU-PF to maintain power centres and block reforms, suggesting that international support should be targeted toward progressive ministries to legitimise change.

The document examines China's role in Botswana's infrastructure development, noting a shift from government-led aid to competitive public tenders. It highlights the competitive advantages of Chinese firms—such as low-cost bidding and hands-on management—while addressing challenges regarding quality standards and skilled labour shortages. It also introduces a new commercial financing model involving the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China and Standard Bank for the Morupule B Power Station project.

The China-Africa Toolkit analyzes the evolution of China's relations with Africa, focusing on trade, investment, and development cooperation. It details the shift from ideological support to economic pragmatism, the role of the Forum for China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), and the specific financial instruments used by Beijing, such as the 'Angola mode' of infrastructure-for-resources deals.