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The report analyzes power-sharing as a tool to mitigate civil conflict by guaranteeing political roles to potential 'spoilers'. It argues that while power-sharing can promote peace when parties are evenly matched and conflict costs are high, it may increase conflict risks when groups are unevenly matched. The authors highlight significant trade-offs, noting that power-sharing prioritizes 'ex post fairness' over democratic 'ex ante uncertainty' and can lead to high transaction costs and agency losses, such as the selection of intransigent, group-based politicians.

This research paper investigates the impact of democracy measurement on the 'democratic peace' proposition, which posits that democracies rarely go to war with one another. The author compares the widely used Polity dataset with Vanhanen's Polyarchy dataset, which uses a simpler index based on electoral competition and participation. Through bivariate and multivariate analyses of conflict data from 1816 to 2002, the study finds that the choice of indicator does matter; specifically, electoral competition appears to be a stronger predictor of peace than the aggregated democracy scores. The author concludes that while different measures often correlate, they are not interchangeable and can lead to different inferences about the causes of international peace.

The document details the evolution of South Africa-Turkey relations, moving from early religious and consular contacts in the 19th century to formal diplomatic ties established in 1992. It examines significant political frictions, including Nelson Mandela's refusal of the Ataturk Peace Prize, disputes over arms sales and human rights, and the sensitive issue of Kurdish separatism. Economically, the report notes a trade balance heavily skewed in South Africa's favour, driven largely by gold and coal exports, and discusses the role of 'Anatolian Tigers' in promoting direct investment. The report concludes with the 2005 visit of Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, which aimed to cement relations and implement Turkey's 'Outreach to Africa' policy.

The document analyzes how EU enlargement affects South Africa's trade positioning, particularly within the WTO and regarding regional African integration. It argues that while enlargement may create short-term opportunities for tariff liberalization, it is likely to strengthen support for the Common Agricultural Policy's domestic subsidies. The authors recommend that South Africa maintain ambition on domestic support in WTO negotiations, pursue a more liberal trade approach toward its own region, and study the EU's enlargement process to inform potential SACU expansion.

The Basel Action Network and a coalition of environmental NGOs oppose the U.S. State Department's plan to selectively ratify the 1989 Basel Convention while refusing the 1995 Ban Amendment. The authors argue that the original convention is inadequate and that the Ban Amendment is essential to end 'toxic colonialism' by prohibiting hazardous waste exports from OECD countries to non-OECD nations. They contend that the ban provides a necessary incentive for industry to reduce waste production and toxicity, and they urge the U.S. to either ratify the entire framework or not accede to the treaty at all.

The document provides a comprehensive framework for Peace Support Operations (PSOs), distinguishing between peacekeeping and peace enforcement. It emphasizes the necessity of a political mandate, the role of impartiality, and the strategic use of both 'carrots' (consent-promoting techniques) and 'sticks' (coercion). The manual details the roles of international bodies like the UN and OAU, the importance of civil-military coordination, and the specific capabilities of joint forces (land, air, and sea) in stabilizing conflict zones to facilitate a self-sustaining peace.

The document contends that plastic production and incineration are significant climate threats, projected to emit 2.8 gigatons of CO2e annually by 2050 and consume up to 13% of the global 1.5C carbon budget. It systematically debunks five industry 'myths' regarding net zero: that clean energy and carbon capture and storage (CCS) can make production emissions-free, that plastic waste is a carbon-free fuel, that plastics can be carbon sinks, that offset schemes are viable, and that bioplastics solve the problem. The author concludes that these narratives are delay tactics and that 'real zero'—reducing production—is the only solution.

A coalition of European civil society organisations (CSOs) is protesting a campaign of disinformation led by some Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) from the European People’s Party (EPP) and far-right groups. The attack specifically targets the legitimacy of public funding for environmental NGOs under the LIFE programme. The statement argues that independent CSOs are essential for a functioning democracy and a fully informed decision-making process, contrasting the modest public grants received by NGOs with the high spending of corporate lobbyists in Brussels.

The analysis of 15 draft NECPs reveals a significant increase in wind and solar capacity targets since 2019, bringing the EU closer to REPowerEU goals, though still falling short. While renewable electricity is projected to generate 66-67% of EU electricity by 2030, the report highlights a critical lack of quantified targets for electricity storage and clean flexibility. Furthermore, the document criticises the poor quality and transparency of data provided in the draft plans, which hinders accountability and investment signals.

Global Witness reports that Western companies traded 533 million barrels of Russian oil and oil products in the year following the invasion of Ukraine, representing nearly 25% of Russia's total sea-borne exports. While trade shifted toward India, China, and Turkey, Western entities—particularly traders like Vitol and Gunvor, and Greek-owned tankers—remained significant enablers. Western-owned tankers carried over 897 million barrels, with 83% of that volume handled by Greek-owned vessels.

The EastMed gas pipeline, a proposed €7 billion project to transport Israeli gas to Europe via Cyprus and Greece, is criticized for its reliance on Energean, a company whose co-founders allegedly profited from a banking scheme that contributed to Cyprus's 2013 financial crisis. The project is further condemned for risking military tensions between Greece and Turkey and for its high carbon footprint, which would undermine the EU's goal to reduce gas consumption by 90 percent by 2050. Global Witness calls for the EU to remove all gas projects from its Project of Common Interest (PCI) list and amend the TEN-E Regulation to end support for fossil gas infrastructure.

Global Witness asserts that tensions between NATO allies in the eastern Mediterranean over fossil gas are futile, as the EU's projected 90 percent reduction in gas demand by 2050 renders these reserves unnecessary. The report highlights that extracting discovered gas in disputed waters would produce carbon emissions comparable to the annual output of France and Spain combined. It specifically calls for the cancellation of the €6 billion EastMed pipeline, which is currently a "Project of Common Interest," arguing that its operation would cause immense environmental damage and further escalate regional conflict.

Global Witness alleges that Claudia Sassou-Nguesso, daughter of the President of the Republic of the Congo, used approximately $20 million in diverted public funds to purchase a $7.1 million luxury apartment (unit 32G) at the Trump International Hotel & Tower in Manhattan. The investigation details a complex financial trail involving the Brazilian company Asperbras, which allegedly inflated contracts for geological mapping and hospital construction in the Congo. Funds were routed through a Delaware subsidiary (Asperbras LLC), a British Virgin Islands entity (Energy & Mining Asp. Inc.), and a Cypriot shell company (Sebrit Limited) controlled by intermediary José Veiga on behalf of Sassou-Nguesso. The purchase was facilitated by the law firm K&L Gates LLP via a New York shell company, Ecree LLC. Global Witness argues that the Trump Organization and K&L Gates failed to perform adequate due diligence on a Politically Exposed Person (PEP), potentially facilitating money laundering.

The document details the history of displacement in Cyprus, starting from the 1950s and culminating in the 1974 division of the island, which left over 220,000 people dispossessed. It examines the divergent property policies of the Republic of Cyprus and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, the role of the European Court of Human Rights in adjudicating property claims, and the emotional and psychological impact on displaced Greek and Turkish Cypriots. Findings from focus groups indicate a growing sense of realism and pessimism regarding the possibility of return, with many displaced persons now favoring compensation or exchange over restitution due to the passage of time and the establishment of new lives in their current locations.

The report documents the multi-wave displacement of Turkish Cypriots, particularly during 1958, 1963-64, and 1974, and examines the long-term psychological and social impacts. It highlights a generational shift in the perception of lost homes and a widespread anxiety regarding 'uncertainty' following the 2004 failure of the Annan Plan. Findings suggest a strong resistance to further displacement, with many interviewees favoring a loose bizonal federation where communities remain in their current locations.

The report examines the legal complexities of property and displacement in Cyprus, focusing on the Republic of Cyprus's support systems for Greek Cypriot displaced persons and the administration of Turkish Cypriot properties in the south. It details the influence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and the European Court of Justice (ECJ) on property rights, highlighting the shift from the Loizidou case to the Demopoulos ruling, which directed claimants toward the Immovable Properties Commission (IPC). The document also critiques the 'doctrine of necessity' used to justify the Guardian of Turkish Cypriot Properties and discusses the discriminatory nature of certain property acquisition laws.

The report details a conference in Brussels where representatives of Greek Cypriots (GCs) and Turkish Cypriots (TCs) discussed the legal, normative, and economic challenges of property restitution and compensation. Key tensions include the GCs' emphasis on the right of the legal owner to choose the remedy and the TCs' focus on the rights of current users and the principle of bizonality. The proceedings explore the role of the Immovable Property Commission (IPC), the impact of European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) rulings, and the financial impossibility of full market-value compensation, suggesting alternative market-based exchange mechanisms and the need for social reconciliation.

The document summarizes a conference held on 30 September 2011 in Nicosia, which addressed the historical, social, and legal dimensions of property disputes resulting from the displacement of Greek and Turkish Cypriots. It details the divergent political positions of the two sides, the financial challenges of compensation, and the need for sustainable development and a pragmatic, multi-dimensional approach to settlement.

The report examines the discovery of natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean, focusing on the competing claims of the Republic of Cyprus, Turkey, and Turkish Cypriots. It analyzes the commercial viability of export options—such as LNG plants and pipelines to Turkey or Europe—against a backdrop of falling global gas prices due to the US shale revolution. The text argues that while hydrocarbons offer a potential 'win-win' for regional stability, their development is currently hostage to long-standing political conflicts, particularly the Cyprus problem and strained Israeli-Turkish relations. It also explores the specific challenges facing Lebanon in becoming a gas province and the role of global energy governance and major players like Russia and the EU in shaping the region's energy future.

The authors analyze the annual commemoration of the battle of Erenköy (Kokkina) in Cyprus, arguing that it has evolved from a state-led 'national myth' of salvation by the Turkish military into a 'vernacular history' or 'epic' of local struggle. Through ethnographic observation and interviews, the paper demonstrates how participants—including former fighters, villagers, and their descendants—repurpose official narratives to create an 'affect of agency' that is future-oriented rather than purely focused on past victimization or triumph. This shift is evidenced by the rising attendance at the Erenköy pilgrimage and a declining interest in purely militaristic state celebrations, reflecting a broader change in Turkish Cypriot identity and political aspirations.