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The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Index ranks 153 countries based on 11 indicators across three dimensions: inclusion (education, employment, parliamentary representation, cellphone use, and financial inclusion), justice (legal discrimination, son bias, and discriminatory norms), and security (intimate partner violence, community safety, and organized violence). Iceland ranks first (.886), while Afghanistan and Syria rank last (.385). The report finds that while some countries perform well across all dimensions, many exhibit unbalanced achievements; for example, Latin America performs well on justice but poorly on inclusion. The index also highlights a disconnect between national income and women's well-being, noting that countries like Saudi Arabia rank significantly lower on the index than their per capita income would suggest. Additionally, the report analyzes the specific impact of conflict on security, noting that women in conflict-affected states face a 35 percent higher risk of intimate partner violence.

The document analyzes South Africa's transition from a leading 'norm entrepreneur' in Africa during the Mandela and Mbeki eras to a state currently facing a 'crisis of expectations' under President Jacob Zuma. While South Africa historically exported its model of democratic transition through mediation in Burundi and the DRC and the reform of continental institutions like the AU and SADC, it is now criticized for failing to oppose democratic reversals and human rights abuses. The brief highlights contradictions in South Africa's current approach, including its controversial withdrawal from the International Criminal Court and its reluctance to vote on country-specific human rights issues in the UN. It recommends that South Africa leverage its soft power and financial influence within the AU and SADC to regain its status as a champion of peace and governance.

The document examines South African business activities in the DRC across sectors such as mining, telecommunications, and agriculture, highlighting both the positive developmental impacts and the significant operational challenges posed by corruption and bureaucracy.

The document analyzes the state of democracy in Africa, arguing that while electoral democracy has increased since 1989, it is often constrained by neopatrimonialism and a lack of governance capacity. It explores the 'sequencing debate' regarding whether democracy precedes or follows economic development, noting that while authoritarian models have sometimes delivered rapid growth, long-term human development is robustly linked to high-quality electoral democracy. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, the author forecasts that a 'Fourth Wave' of democracy could significantly increase Africa's GDP and reduce extreme poverty by 2070 compared to an 'Authoritarian Regress' scenario.

The report argues that President Yoweri Museveni uses Uganda's role as a regional security provider to deflect international criticism of his domestic democratic decay. It details the use of patronage and repression to maintain power, the personalized nature of Ugandan foreign policy, and the strategic use of the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) in Somalia, South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The ATT Monitor 2016 report reviews the first year of the Arms Trade Treaty as international law, noting a rise in membership to 82 States Parties as of June 1, 2016. It highlights a significant gap between procedural progress and substantive compliance, particularly regarding arms transfers to conflict zones like Yemen. The report provides a detailed analysis of African states' engagement, the development of a 'Risk Watch' tool to monitor weapon misuse, and an evaluation of the first tranche of Initial and Annual Transfer Reports, noting inconsistent reporting rates and a lack of transparency in several regions.

The policy brief examines how domestic xenophobia contradicts South Africa's 'diplomacy of ubuntu' and its aspirations for African leadership. It highlights specific incidents of violence and government failures, suggesting that South Africa must address the root causes of intolerance domestically and regionalise its policy responses to reclaim its international standing.

The report examines African election trends in 2016, noting that while multi-party elections are now standard, many processes are undermined by 'constitutional coups', the removal of term limits, and electoral irregularities. It details specific cases of instability and incumbent persistence in countries like the Central African Republic, Uganda, and the Republic of Congo, while contrasting these with more stable prospects in South Africa and Ghana.

The paper argues that the legal distinction between migrant smuggling (facilitating illegal movement for profit) and human trafficking (exploitation) is increasingly blurred in practice, as smugglers often transition into traffickers. It contends that restrictive border controls do not stop migration but instead make smuggling the 'new normal,' increasing migrant vulnerability and profitability for criminal networks. The authors highlight that most irregular migrants successfully reach their destinations despite high risks, and that state efforts to 'demonize' smugglers often serve as political cover for the failure of the global asylum regime.

The paper analyzes South Africa's role as a development partner, emphasizing its comparative advantage in Africa due to geographic and political proximity. It contrasts South Africa's 'development partner' identity with traditional 'donor' models, noting that South African aid often includes non-traditional activities like military protection and student scholarships. The author argues that while South Africa lacks a cohesive strategy and transparency in its South-South Cooperation (SSC), the UN can act as a neutral broker to help operationalize SSC principles and integrate southern perspectives into global development architecture.

The document analyzes conflict data from 1960 to 2015, noting that while global fatalities from armed conflict generally decline relative to population, Africa maintains a disproportionately high conflict burden. It distinguishes between the 'capacity deficit' in sub-Saharan Africa and the 'inclusion deficit' in the MENA region as primary drivers of instability. The author argues that while violent Islamist extremism receives significant media attention, it accounts for a smaller portion of total political fatalities compared to other forms of violence, such as riots and non-state conflict.

The African Union's African Standby Force (ASF) is unlikely to reach full operational capability by January 2016, but the AU has successfully demonstrated its ability to conduct peace operations using diverse models. The authors argue that the AU should move away from costly exercises and instead update the ASF's doctrine to reflect current conflict trends, such as counter-terrorism and asymmetric warfare, which differ from the original 2003 conceptualization.

The report evaluates the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) and its peace and security architecture, specifically the Central African Early Warning Mechanism (MARAC) and the Central African Multinational Force (FOMAC). It finds a significant gap between the organization's ambitions and its operational reality, noting that conflict prevention is hampered by a highly centralized, state-focused structure and a narrow military approach to security. The document highlights critical regional threats, including the Boko Haram insurgency, maritime insecurity in the Gulf of Guinea, and the instability in the Central African Republic (CAR). It concludes that ECCAS lacks a credible regional lead nation and a shared vision, remaining heavily dependent on external funding, primarily from the European Union, which undermines regional ownership of the peace and security process.

The document examines the ACIRC, a proposed rapid deployment instrument for the African Union (AU) initiated by South Africa to address capability gaps in crisis response. It highlights operational hurdles, including political opposition from key member states, funding shortages, and a lack of strategic airlift capacity. The briefing argues that the ACIRC must be integrated into the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and coordinated with the UN to avoid becoming a reactive, short-term tool, while recommending a shift in deployment authority to the AU Peace and Security Council to ensure speed.

Between April 2013 and January 2014, logging companies in the Central African Republic (CAR) paid an estimated EUR 3.4 million to the Seleka rebel coalition for 'protection' and to pass checkpoints, effectively funding a regime responsible for mass human rights abuses. Following the Seleka's fall, companies continued to pay an estimated EUR 127,864 to anti-balaka militias in 2014. The report identifies SEFCA, IFB, and the Vicwood Group as primary actors who maintained operations through these payments. It argues that the EU and France failed to enforce the EU Timber Regulation (EUTR) and that the EU's Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) with CAR is flawed as it attempts to legitimise an industry operating in a failed state. The document recommends a moratorium on industrial logging and the establishment of a Forest Sector Review Committee, drawing parallels to post-war reconstruction in Liberia.

The document examines the tension between the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and the practice of humanitarian intervention within South African foreign policy. It contends that R2P's 'reaction pillar'—which allows for military intervention as a last resort—is politically and morally divisive. The author argues that South Africa's interests are shaped by a 'logic of appropriateness' rooted in its identity as an African leader and its history under apartheid, leading it to prioritize 'African solutions to African conflicts'. This is exemplified by the African Capacity for Immediate Response to Crises (ACIRC), an African-owned military initiative. The paper concludes that R2P fails to resolve the fundamental question of 'who should intervene and why?', and that South Africa's actions, including its controversial role in the 2011 Libya crisis, must be analyzed through the lens of evolving humanitarian intervention norms rather than R2P alone.

The document examines the Grand Inga hydropower project in the DRC as a catalyst for energy dialogue and regional integration in Southern Africa. While the project offers immense generation potential, it faces significant hurdles including the DRC's poor infrastructure, institutional instability, and the need for massive international investment. The author argues that for Inga 3 and the broader Grand Inga scheme to succeed, South Africa and the DRC must shift from national priorities toward regional planning, engaging other SADC members and international financial institutions to secure the necessary funding and transmission networks.

The document analyzes the ideological shift within European green parties—specifically in Belgium, France, and Germany—from a foundation of anti-militarism and nuclear disarmament in the 1980s toward a complex tension between pacifism and the 'responsibility to protect' human rights. It highlights how events such as the Kosovo conflict, the September 11 attacks, and the 2011 intervention in Libya created internal divisions between those advocating for absolute non-violence and those supporting legal military intervention to prevent massacres. The author argues that green parties must now address new complexities of modern warfare, including privatization and environmental consequences, to pursue their ultimate goals of world peace and global disarmament.

The document examines the ideological shift within European Green parties regarding the use of force, moving from 1980s antimilitarism and anti-nuclear activism toward a complex debate between strict pacifism and humanitarian interventionism based on international law.

Natural Justice submits that the World Bank's Draft Environmental and Social Framework (ESF) fails to align with modern human rights standards, specifically criticizing the 'opt-out clause' in ESS7. This clause allows borrowers to waive ESS7 protections for indigenous peoples if they claim identifying such groups would risk 'ethnic tension' or 'civil strife,' or if it conflicts with national constitutions. Natural Justice contends this nullifies essential protections like Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC), promotes a regressive view of indigenous identity, and sets a dangerous precedent for other international financial institutions.