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The Young Digital Leaders 2019 report evaluates a digital citizenship education (DCE) programme implemented in Bulgaria, Greece, and Romania. The initiative, supported by Google.org, aimed to empower students aged 1116, upskill teachers, and equip parents to foster positive online engagement. Evaluation data shows significant gains in participants' understanding of digital concepts like echo chambers and filter bubbles, though the report notes that short-term workshops are less effective at changing long-term attitudes and behaviours than teacher-led, slower-paced delivery. The report recommends that the European Commission adopt the Council of Europe's definition of digital citizenship and that national governments embed DCE into school curricula across multiple subjects.

The report analyzes how the AKP government has shifted Turkish foreign policy toward a more proactive, ideologically driven approach that leverages historical, cultural, and religious ties to expand regional influence. It examines the role of institutions like the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB) and the Diyanet in managing these relations. Through case studies in Bulgaria, Germany, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Cyprus, and Palestine, the document illustrates how this 'kin-state' politics often leads to the instrumentalization of religion, the exportation of domestic political conflicts, and tensions with host countries, while sometimes being perceived by the target communities as paternalistic or colonizing.

ClientEarth identifies systemic failures in the implementation of the IED's 'Aarhus rights' across the EU. It argues that the IED's wording is too narrow to comply with the Aarhus Convention, particularly regarding public participation during permit updates. National implementation is further hindered by limited online information, high litigation costs in the UK, and a tendency for judges in Bulgaria and the UK to defer to regulators due to the technical complexity of the IED. Case studies from Bulgaria, Spain, and the UK illustrate these deficits, including the withholding of baseline reports in Spain and the lack of electronic access to permit applications in Bulgaria.

The report analyzes climate policy performance in the transport and buildings sectors across CEE countries, highlighting specific successful initiatives. In transport, it identifies Romania's 'Rabla' car scrappage scheme, Hungary's Jedlik Ányos Action Plan for electric vehicles, Poland's electric bus rollout, Slovakia's railway modernization, and the Czech Republic's integrated public transport laws as regional benchmarks. In the buildings sector, it highlights Romania's EIB-financed thermal insulation, Slovakia's long-term retrofit support, Poland's solar collector promotion, and the Czech Republic's heat pump subsidies. The document argues that these 'first mover' experiences can be transferred across the region to accelerate the low-emission transition.

In the first half of 2019, EU coal generation fell by 19%, driven by the growth of wind and solar power, a shift toward fossil gas due to rising carbon prices, and specific plant closures. Germany experienced the largest absolute decline, while eastern European countries saw smaller reductions due to slower renewable energy deployment. The report argues that while carbon pricing has made coal less profitable, further declines require accelerated plant closures and increased investment in clean energy and grid infrastructure to ensure a full transition.

The briefing argues that eligible EU Member States, primarily in Central Eastern Europe, should maximise the Modernisation Fund by transferring allowances from the Article 10c derogation and the Solidarity & Growth Provision. It concludes that the Modernisation Fund is more flexible and effective for energy transition than Article 10c, which has strict financing requirements and limited eligibility. The document also discusses the potential financial impact of Market Stability Reserve (MSR) recalculations on Member State auction revenues.

The document outlines the legal requirements for public participation in the development of national long-term strategies (LTS) for greenhouse gas emission reductions by 2050. It asserts that the EU Governance Regulation (GR) is insufficiently clear and may not fully comply with the Aarhus Convention, which mandates early public involvement when all options are open. ClientEarth provides a consolidated procedure for compliant participation, including open access to all interested parties, active dissemination of relevant documents, and specific timeframes for consultation. The briefing notes that previous strategies submitted under the Paris Agreement are insufficient to meet current GR requirements and urges that public participation for the 2020 deadline should have commenced by September 2019.

ClientEarth challenges the proposed Greek capacity mechanism (CM), asserting that the Greek authorities have failed to implement necessary market reforms and have provided a flawed generation adequacy assessment. The document argues that the CM's design discriminates against demand side response (DSR) and renewable energy in favor of lignite-fired plants, potentially using a 'grandfathering' clause to bypass EU emission standards. ClientEarth calls for a formal State aid investigation to ensure the scheme does not provide unjustified subsidies to fossil fuel incumbents.

The Higher Administrative Court of Münster scheduled a two-day evidence hearing on 9-10 May 2019 featuring science and health experts to resolve debates over air quality rules and diesel restrictions in Germany. This follows legal actions in 35 German cities supported by ClientEarth and Deutsche Umwelthilfe (DUH) to enforce air quality limits. While some officials and specialists have questioned the science linking nitrogen dioxide (NO2) to health issues, the briefing notes that the majority of researchers, the European Commission, and Germany's environment minister maintain that limits are based on sound science. The hearing aims to provide the evidence necessary to adjudicate appeals regarding diesel restrictions in 14 cities in North Rhine-Westphalia.

The analysis of draft NECPs reveals that the EU is set to miss its 2030 coal phase-out goals, with 11 Member States planning no phase-out and 60 GW of coal capacity projected to remain. The report highlights a disconnect where countries receiving EU just transition funding, such as Poland and Czechia, lack credible phase-out plans in their NECPs.

The author criticizes the EU's current approach to media freedom, arguing that relying on national governments is insufficient, especially in countries like Hungary and Poland where media pluralism is threatened. While acknowledging some progress—such as the proposed whistleblower directive and small-scale funding for investigative projects—the text contends that these efforts are inadequate against the dominance of tech platforms like Google and Facebook. The document calls for a permanent EU funding body for investigative journalism, a re-evaluation of the subsidiarity principle regarding media, and a requirement for online platforms to share revenue with high-quality news providers.

The document analyzes the scale of plastic pollution in China, noting that China's 2017 plastic production was approximately 75 million tons. It details the EU's comprehensive approach, including the Waste Framework Directive and the Packaging and Packaging Waste Directive, which utilize Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) to shift financial and operational burdens to producers. The paper highlights EU targets under 'Plastics 2030' to make all plastic packaging reusable or recyclable by 2030. It concludes by recommending that China upgrade its legal systems, adopt whole-process management from production to disposal, and cooperate with the EU on transboundary waste treatment and global governance.

The document serves as a reference list of legal precedents and compliance findings related to access to justice. It categorises these by the issuing body: the Court of Justice of the EU, the General Court, and the Aarhus Convention Compliance Committee (ACCC). The listed cases cover a wide range of legal issues, including the definition of "individual concern," standing for NGOs, the standard of review under the EIA and Habitats Directives, and the compliance of the Aarhus Regulation with the Aarhus Convention.

The author contends that current EU efforts to combat disinformation are insufficient because they rely on member states that may be hostile to critical media. While the EU has introduced some protections for whistleblowers and small-scale grants for investigative projects, the document argues for a permanent funding facility for journalism and a re-evaluation of the subsidiarity principle to allow the EU to intervene more directly in member states where media freedom is under threat.

The report finds that currently agreed EU and Member State policies are on track to deliver a 50% reduction in greenhouse gas emissions by 2030 compared to 1990 levels, surpassing the existing 40% target. Using the E3ME model, the analysis suggests that further adjustments to coal phase-outs, energy efficiency, and electric vehicle penetration could increase this reduction to 58%. However, the report warns that the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) remains vulnerable to a growing surplus of allowances as emissions fall faster than the current cap, necessitating reforms such as a one-off cap reset in 2026 to maintain a meaningful carbon price.

The report analyzes how the 'Great Replacement' theory, originating in France, has been internationalized and mainstreamed through social media, alt-tech platforms, and the rhetoric of far-right politicians in Europe and North America. It details the role of the Identitarian Movement and the use of 'crisis narratives'—such as existential threat and conspiracy—to inspire actions ranging from 'remigration' (forced deportation) to terrorism. Quantitative analysis shows a steady increase in online discussions of these theories leading up to the Christchurch attack, while qualitative research highlights the use of dehumanizing memes and the co-option of official statistics to provide a veneer of legitimacy to white nativist ideologies.

The document outlines how Turkey, under the AKP, has shifted its foreign policy to emphasize historical, cultural, and religious links with 'kin communities' (akraba topluluklar) across Europe, the Middle East, and the Eastern Mediterranean. It defines the conceptual overlap between diaspora and kin-politics and describes the transition from a racial-ethnic national identity to an 'Islamic-Turkish synthesis' that views Turkey as a 'core country' for the global Muslim community (ummah). The text introduces case studies on Bulgaria, Germany, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Greece, Cyprus, and Palestine to analyze how this policy of 'spiritual boundaries' affects host countries and the communities themselves.

The research paper analyzes the 'ambivalent' nature of Turkey-Bulgaria relations, focusing on the AKP's use of the Diyanet (Presidency of Religious Affairs) and other soft power tools to influence Bulgarian Muslims. It details the shift from a coalition between the AKP and the Gülen Movement to an all-out conflict, the exportation of this domestic struggle into Bulgaria, and Turkey's attempts to influence the Bulgarian political arena through parties like DOST. The author argues that Turkey's approach is based on an 'Ottoman legacy' imaginary that often clashes with Bulgarian perceptions of sovereignty and EU membership.

ClientEarth warns that the Governance Regulation (GR) may allow EU Member States to bypass meaningful public participation during the initial drafting of National Energy and Climate Plans (NECPs). The briefing argues that waiting until after the first draft is submitted to the European Commission risks ignoring the interests of citizens and renewable energy developers in favor of fossil fuel operators. It highlights potential legal breaches of the Aarhus Convention and the SEA Directive, noting that some countries, such as Romania, have provided insufficient consultation windows (seven days). ClientEarth calls for a minimum eight-week consultation period before the first draft submission to ensure all policy options remain open.

The report finds that ten companies were responsible for an estimated two-thirds of the health damage caused by EU coal power plants in 2016, including 7,600 premature deaths. RWE is identified as the most harmful company, with health costs of €5.4 billion in 2016. The analysis highlights that for many companies, the health costs imposed on society are similar in magnitude to the revenues they earn from selling coal-fired electricity. The report argues that companies are 'clinging to coal' through lack of retirement plans, continued investment in old plants, and lobbying for subsidies, and recommends a full phase-out of coal by 2030.