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A delegation of four Indigenous Lenca activists from Honduras visited Belgium, the Netherlands, Finland, Germany, and Spain between April 19 and May 5, 2016. The mission sought to highlight the repression of environmental defenders in Honduras, specifically regarding the Agua Zarca hydropower project on the Gualcarque River. The activists called for the withdrawal of funding from the Dutch development bank FMO, the Finnish Fund for Industrial Cooperation (Finnfund), and the Central American Bank for Economic Integration (CABEI), as well as the cessation of turbine sales by Siemens and Voith. The document highlights the 2016 assassination of Lenca leader Berta Cáceres and the broader pattern of violence against environmental activists in Honduras, which it describes as the most dangerous country in the world for such defenders between 2002 and 2014.

The document argues that the 'commons'—resources managed by autonomous citizens through cooperation and reciprocity—offer a necessary third way between the state and the market. It explores various applications, from urban 'commoning' in Italy and France to seed-saving in India and the legal challenges of space mining. The text highlights how neoliberal privatisation has driven a 'third wave' of collective action and calls for EU policy to shift from a growth-centric model to one that supports stewardship and social-ecological sustainability.

The report examines 'anti-ISIS foreign fighters', finding they are generally older than Islamist fighters, predominantly male, and frequently U.S. military veterans. It identifies the YPG and Peshmerga as the most popular affiliations and analyzes push factors like frustration with international responses and pull factors such as the desire to protect persecuted minorities. The document also explores the complex and inconsistent legal frameworks across Western nations regarding private citizens participating in foreign conflicts.

The document is a declaration calling for the end of fossil fuel exploration and extraction to address the climate crisis and mass extinction. It demands a just transition to a democratized, 100% renewable energy system, the removal of fossil fuel industry influence from policymaking, and the recognition of the rights of Indigenous and frontline communities.

The handbook explains the legal framework of the EU Air Quality Directive, emphasizing the enforceability of 'limit values' for pollutants like NO2 and PM10. It details how citizens and NGOs can use the Aarhus Convention's pillars—access to information, public participation, and access to justice—to challenge inadequate air quality plans and government inaction in national courts. The document also outlines the European Commission's infringement procedures and the 'Fresh Approach' to tackling systemic breaches of air quality standards across Member States.

A coalition of 98 global entities argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) fails to comply with international human rights obligations, specifically those recognized in the 2010 Cancun Agreements. The letter calls for the establishment of an independent accountability mechanism, the adoption of international sustainable development safeguards, and the implementation of improved stakeholder consultation processes to prevent environmental and social harms.

The authors argue that the EU faces a democracy crisis characterized by citizen mistrust and a perceived lack of representation. To counter this, they suggest that Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) should engage more actively in online debates and that the European Parliament should become a primary forum for transnational public debate on issues like climate change and data protection. The paper emphasizes the need to integrate European and national politics, suggesting that national parliaments—particularly through scrutiny committees in countries like Denmark, Finland, and Germany—should play a more prominent role in explaining EU business to voters. Proposed reforms include giving national parliaments the right to suggest EU-level actions, allowing MEPs and commissioners to address national parliaments, and creating a eurozone oversight committee. Finally, the authors advocate for shifting the focus from bringing regional officials to Brussels to bringing EU engagement directly to the regions and municipalities to better reflect local concerns.

Between April 2013 and January 2014, logging companies in the Central African Republic (CAR) paid an estimated EUR 3.4 million to the Seleka rebel coalition for 'protection' and to pass checkpoints, effectively funding a regime responsible for mass human rights abuses. Following the Seleka's fall, companies continued to pay an estimated EUR 127,864 to anti-balaka militias in 2014. The report identifies SEFCA, IFB, and the Vicwood Group as primary actors who maintained operations through these payments. It argues that the EU and France failed to enforce the EU Timber Regulation (EUTR) and that the EU's Voluntary Partnership Agreement (VPA) with CAR is flawed as it attempts to legitimise an industry operating in a failed state. The document recommends a moratorium on industrial logging and the establishment of a Forest Sector Review Committee, drawing parallels to post-war reconstruction in Liberia.

As of 31 March 2015, the Green Climate Fund Trust Fund had received total contributions of USDeq. 171.20 million, with USDeq. 128.00 million deposited by 23 contributors. The GCF Board approved funding totaling USD 65.11 million for administrative budgets and readiness activities, while the interim trustee transferred USD 19.62 million. Total funds available to support GCF Board funding decisions were USD 63,147,206.

The document analyzes the EU's Effort Sharing Decision (ESD), which sets emission targets for non-ETS sectors (transport, buildings, agriculture, and waste). It argues that the 2013-2020 period was characterized by weak targets and overgenerous flexibilities, leading to projected overachievement without new mitigation actions. For the 2021-2030 period, the EU aims for a 30% reduction compared to 2005. The brief warns that certain proposed flexibilities—specifically the use of EU ETS allowances and forestry offsets—could increase overall EU emissions by up to 28% by 2030. It recommends focusing on early action, implementing EU-wide mitigation policies, introducing auctioning based on the polluter-pays principle, and restricting borrowing to avoid delaying climate action.

The report finds that illegalities are pervasive across DRC's industrial logging concessions, with every visited site between 2011 and 2014 showing violations. These range from over-harvesting and tax avoidance to human rights abuses and the use of fraudulent CITES permits. Despite laws like the EU Timber Regulation and the US Lacey Act, significant volumes of high-risk timber continue to flow to China, Europe, and the US, driven by weak government enforcement and a culture of impunity in the DRC.

This collection of reports and interviews analyzes contemporary European resistance movements, focusing on struggles against extractive industries, infrastructure mega-projects, and economic austerity. It highlights specific cases in Romania, Greece, Scotland, France, and Turkey, while discussing the systemic role of the educated middle class in mobilization. The text argues that Green parties must reconnect with their radical roots and form transversal alliances with social movements to challenge the dominant neoliberal economic model and the 'sacredness of growth'.

The document argues that climate change adaptation measures involving green and blue areas provide significant co-benefits for human health, which are often overlooked in policy design. It develops a conceptual framework based on five pathways: prevention of climate and pollution effects, improvement of ecosystem quality, social environment benefits, economic activity development, and interaction with microorganisms. The authors review existing literature using objective, self-reported, and mixed methodologies, finding a generally positive but inconsistent correlation between natural environments and health outcomes, with green areas being more extensively studied than blue areas.

The document analyzes the ideological shift within European green parties—specifically in Belgium, France, and Germany—from a foundation of anti-militarism and nuclear disarmament in the 1980s toward a complex tension between pacifism and the 'responsibility to protect' human rights. It highlights how events such as the Kosovo conflict, the September 11 attacks, and the 2011 intervention in Libya created internal divisions between those advocating for absolute non-violence and those supporting legal military intervention to prevent massacres. The author argues that green parties must now address new complexities of modern warfare, including privatization and environmental consequences, to pursue their ultimate goals of world peace and global disarmament.

The document examines the ideological shift within European Green parties regarding the use of force, moving from 1980s antimilitarism and anti-nuclear activism toward a complex debate between strict pacifism and humanitarian interventionism based on international law.

The Green Climate Fund Trust Fund financial report as of 31 December 2014 shows total contributions of USD 130.82 million, with USD 122.41 million deposited by 18 contributors. The GCF Board approved USD 65.11 million for readiness activities and administrative budgets, while the interim trustee transferred USD 15.27 million. As of the reporting date, funds held in trust amounted to USD 107.28 million.

The document argues that green project bonds can provide a viable alternative to traditional bank lending for green infrastructure PPPs, especially in the wake of Basel III regulations. It details the characteristics of project bonds, the risks involved—such as construction risk and negative carry—and the necessity of credit enhancements to achieve investment-grade ratings. The paper also provides guidance for public procurers on integrating bond financing into tender processes and highlights the growing global market for climate-themed bonds.

The report examines performance-based specifications (PBSs), which define desired outputs rather than prescriptive inputs, as a tool for sustainable public procurement. While PBSs can drive innovation and circular economy models, they shift the public sector's burden to the evaluation and monitoring stages and require robust data and financial frameworks to succeed.

Benoît Lechat discusses the need to broaden the social appeal of ecological policies in Europe, critiquing the 'liberal-productivism' that dominates the EU and the 'ascetic' or 'expertocratic' image of Green parties. He analyzes the electoral stabilization of Green parties following the May 2014 European elections, noting gains in Sweden and Austria but declines in France and Belgium. Using the theories of Etienne Balibar, Alain Lipietz, and Ulrich Beck, Lechat argues that climate change must be treated as a strict social issue rather than a niche environmental one. He specifically reflects on the decline of the Belgian party Ecolo, attributing its loss of voters to problematic coalitions with the PS, mismanagement of photovoltaic green certificates, and resistance to wind energy development in Wallonia.

Benoit Lechat discusses the need to expand the social base of ecological politics in Europe, analyzing the 2014 European election results and the ideological barriers posed by neoliberalism and 'liberal productivism'.