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The statement by Friends of the Earth International calls for a shift from non-binding guidelines to legally binding regulations for multinational corporations. It highlights the failure of the UN Guiding Principles and advocates for an international treaty currently under negotiation at the UN, supported by national legislation. The text cites the French 'duty of vigilance' law and a proposed corporate and human rights framework in Brazil as key examples of progress toward corporate accountability.

The document is a call to action from a coalition of civil society, smallholders' and Indigenous Peoples' organisations directed at EU Ministers, Commissioners, and Members of the European Parliament. It advocates for a robust EU regulation on deforestation-free products to protect biodiversity, climate, and human rights, outlining ten specific requirements for the law to be considered effective.

One year after COP26, progress on climate pledges is described as "mixed at best," with some advancements in renewable energy and net-zero targets countered by a resurgence in fossil fuel reliance due to the Russia-Ukraine war. While 24 countries updated their emissions targets and renewable capacity reached new heights, global fossil fuel subsidies nearly doubled in 2021. Financial commitments remain unmet, with developed nations still $17 billion short of the $100 billion annual goal for 2020. Efforts to curb methane and deforestation have seen expanded participation, but accountability for city-level net-zero pledges remains low due to a lack of reported emissions data.

The report analyzes 93 green bonds totaling USD 93.3bn issued in H1 2022. It finds that green bonds generally outperformed vanilla equivalents in terms of book cover and spread compression in both EUR and USD markets. While 20% of the non-sovereign sample achieved a 'greenium' (pricing inside their own yield curve), the report notes that investors were more cautious due to geopolitical and macroeconomic volatility. Additionally, the analysis indicates that green bonds aligned with the Climate Bonds Database maintain better liquidity in the secondary market compared to vanilla and non-aligned green bonds, particularly in the real estate and utility sectors.

Analysis by Ember indicates that placing approximately 14 GW of coal plants on standby in Europe to offset gas shortages would have a limited impact on emissions and would not derail long-term climate commitments. The report argues that these are short-term emergency measures and that the crisis is actually accelerating the transition to clean energy. It further disputes claims that Germany requires massive amounts of coal imports from Indonesia, suggesting such demand is overestimated based on current capacity and inventory levels.

European governments are significantly increasing renewable energy targets and slashing planned fossil fuel electricity generation to reduce geopolitical dependence on Russian energy. Analysis shows that EU countries' planned 2030 renewable electricity share has risen from 55% to 63%, while planned fossil fuel generation has dropped by 31%. Major importers of Russian fuels, including Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands, are leading these efforts through ambitious wind and solar expansions. The report also highlights the REPowerEU framework's role in coordinating these efforts and the need for further decarbonization in the heating, industry, and transport sectors.

Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL) maintains a partnership with the United Nations Office of Project Services (UNOPS) established in 2016, where UNOPS provides operational support including fund management, personnel contracting, and procurement. SEforALL asserts that it retains full oversight of funds managed by UNOPS and conducts annual audits of its consolidated financials. The statement acknowledges media reports of fund mismanagement regarding UNOPS's S3i impact investing initiative and notes that an independent investigation by the United Nations is underway.

The report finds that European supermarkets generally exhibit low transparency and ambition regarding plastic reduction, often relying on voluntary commitments and recycling-focused strategies rather than systemic reuse. An analysis of 74 retailers reveals an average total score of only 13.1%, with significant disparities in performance between different countries where the same retail chains operate. The document highlights tactics used by retailers to delay legislative progress, such as lobbying against deposit return systems (DRS), and criticizes 'greenwashing' practices, including the mislabeling of single-use plastics as reusable.

The report finds that European supermarkets generally perform poorly in addressing the plastic crisis, with an average score of 13.1% across transparency, commitments, and policy support. While some UK and Irish retailers score higher, most companies lack basic data on their plastic footprints and prioritize recyclability over waste prevention. The analysis highlights a tendency toward 'greenwashing,' where retailers promote voluntary pledges or flawed collection schemes instead of systemic changes or supporting binding legislation.

The report reveals a significant gap between the public communications of European retailers and their actual performance in reducing plastic pollution, with a global average score of only 13.1% across transparency, commitments, and policy support. While some retailers like Aldi in the UK and Ireland score higher, the majority fail to provide basic data on their plastic footprints or support mandatory reuse targets. The analysis highlights a systemic preference for voluntary commitments and recyclability over waste prevention and reuse, while warning against 'greenwashing' practices such as exporting flexible plastics to third countries like Turkey where they may be illegally burned.

The report finds that European supermarkets generally perform poorly in addressing the plastic crisis, with an average score of 13.1% across transparency, commitments, and policy support. While some UK and Irish chains score higher, most companies lack basic data on their plastic footprints and fail to implement systemic changes like reusable packaging. The analysis highlights a preference for voluntary commitments over binding regulations and warns against greenwashing practices, such as exporting flexible plastics to third countries like Turkey.

The report finds that European supermarkets generally exhibit low ambition and transparency regarding plastic pollution, with a global average score of only 13.1%. Most retailers prioritize recyclability over waste prevention and reuse, often relying on voluntary commitments and 'greenwashing' tactics rather than systemic changes. While some UK and Irish retailers score higher, there is significant inconsistency within international groups, and very few support binding government targets or comprehensive deposit return systems.

The report finds that European supermarkets generally perform poorly in managing plastic pollution, with a mean score of 13.1% across transparency, commitments, and policy support. While some UK and Irish chains like Aldi score higher, many others show minimal transparency and a preference for voluntary commitments over systemic changes like reuse and mandatory deposit systems. The analysis highlights instances of greenwashing, where plastic waste collected in stores was exported and illegally dumped in Turkey.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has forced European states to prioritize energy security over climate goals, leading to a 'dash for LNG' that outbids developing nations and encourages a global return to coal. This shift undermines EU climate leadership and risks 'locking in' long-term fossil fuel infrastructure in Africa and Asia.

The document details EU member state reactions to the proposed extension of the Emission Trading System (ETS) to road transport and buildings (RTB). While many delegations support the measure to meet the -55% emission target by 2030, significant concerns persist regarding socio-economic impacts on vulnerable groups, the sufficiency of the Social Climate Fund (SCF), and the timing of implementation. The briefing also notes discussions on the Effort Sharing Regulation, LULUCF targets, and CO2 standards for vehicles.

The briefing assesses the failure of the EU ETS to reduce emissions in the steel sector, which accounts for 221 megatonnes of CO2 annually. It identifies flaws such as excessive free allowances and stagnant benchmarks—particularly for hot metal—that have led to flatlining emissions since 2012. The author proposes replacing free permits with a Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and increasing funding for the Innovation Fund to support zero-carbon technologies like hydrogen direct reduction.

ClientEarth argues that the Council's position on the SAIO reform will prevent the EU from meaningfully monitoring its 2030 pesticide reduction targets. The briefing claims the Council is undermining the European Commission's proposal by delaying implementation until 2026, maintaining infrequent five-year data collection, and relying on voluntary surveys rather than mandatory professional records. Furthermore, the Council is accused of limiting the scope of 'agricultural activities', excluding non-approved active substances, and removing transparency guarantees related to the Aarhus Convention. ClientEarth asserts there are no legal grounds for the Council's reluctance to mandate the electronic collection of professional users' records.

The Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) has increased its focus on climate change in State reviews, shifting from a primary focus on developing nations to a balanced approach including developed countries. Key areas of concern include adaptation, child participation, and a growing emphasis on mitigation obligations, specifically targeting fossil fuel subsidies and emissions in the transport and aviation sectors. The CRC is also increasingly scrutinizing the role of financial institutions in funding fossil fuels. Legally, the CRC established in the Sacchi et al. v. Argentina, Brazil, France, Germany, and Turkey case that it has jurisdiction over transboundary harm if a causal link exists between a State's emissions and the impairment of children's rights abroad, although the specific claim was dismissed on procedural grounds for failing to exhaust domestic remedies.

The report analyzes the 2020-2021 outputs of seven UN Human Rights Treaty Bodies (HRTBs), noting a significant increase in climate-related references despite COVID-19 disruptions. It highlights a shift toward questioning developed nations on mitigation and fossil fuel extraction, alongside a consistent focus on adaptation and the participation of vulnerable groups. The document also examines key individual communications, such as Teitiota v. New Zealand and Sacchi et al. v. Argentina et al., which establish precedents for climate-induced human rights violations and extraterritorial jurisdiction.

The report analyzes the role of Telegram as a 'buttress' for far-right and conspiracy-oriented actors in Germany. Through link analysis of 238 channels, it finds that while Telegram serves as a primary hub and file-sharing tool, these actors continue to strategically use established platforms like YouTube despite regulatory efforts such as the NetzDG. The study highlights the influence of 'power users' like Attila Hildmann, who build complex networks of channels to maximize reach and circumvent platform restrictions.