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The report evaluates a wide array of in-lake remediation techniques to combat eutrophication, emphasizing that these methods are generally only effective if external nutrient loads are simultaneously reduced. It categorizes treatments into biological engineering (e.g., biomanipulation, floating wetlands), physical engineering (e.g., hypolimnetic withdrawal, dredging, artificial circulation), and chemical applications (e.g., alum, Phoslock, algicides). The document provides detailed case studies from North America and Europe, analyzing the effectiveness, longevity, and costs of each method, while highlighting the critical role of internal phosphorus loading in delaying lake recovery.

The handbook explains the legal framework of the EU Air Quality Directive, emphasizing the enforceability of 'limit values' for pollutants like NO2 and PM10. It details how citizens and NGOs can use the Aarhus Convention's pillars—access to information, public participation, and access to justice—to challenge inadequate air quality plans and government inaction in national courts. The document also outlines the European Commission's infringement procedures and the 'Fresh Approach' to tackling systemic breaches of air quality standards across Member States.

A coalition of 98 global entities argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) fails to comply with international human rights obligations, specifically those recognized in the 2010 Cancun Agreements. The letter calls for the establishment of an independent accountability mechanism, the adoption of international sustainable development safeguards, and the implementation of improved stakeholder consultation processes to prevent environmental and social harms.

The report analyzes food waste in Estonia, finding that households are the largest contributors, with an average of 130.4 kg of food waste per household annually. In the catering sector, restaurants exhibit the highest rate of food loss, with 87% of their total food waste being avoidable. The study identifies food spoilage as the primary driver of household waste and plate leftovers as the main cause in hospitals and restaurants. It concludes with specific recommendations for households, schools, and healthcare facilities to reduce waste through better planning and consumer awareness.

The document analyzes the EU's Effort Sharing Decision (ESD), which sets emission targets for non-ETS sectors (transport, buildings, agriculture, and waste). It argues that the 2013-2020 period was characterized by weak targets and overgenerous flexibilities, leading to projected overachievement without new mitigation actions. For the 2021-2030 period, the EU aims for a 30% reduction compared to 2005. The brief warns that certain proposed flexibilities—specifically the use of EU ETS allowances and forestry offsets—could increase overall EU emissions by up to 28% by 2030. It recommends focusing on early action, implementing EU-wide mitigation policies, introducing auctioning based on the polluter-pays principle, and restricting borrowing to avoid delaying climate action.

The document evaluates technical and commercial viability for several associated gas utilization technologies in US tight oil fields. It identifies gas gathering, CNG trucking, NGL recovery, gas-to-power, and Mini-GTL MT as technologies that pass initial screening, while gas reinjection, Mini-LNG, Mini-GTL FT, and ammonia production are rejected due to scale, maturity, or economic constraints. The report provides detailed technical specifications, cost models, and case studies for these options, specifically focusing on the Bakken region of North Dakota.

The author contends that increasing security measures and restricting liberties in response to terrorist attacks in Paris and elsewhere is ineffective and risks further marginalizing religious groups. The text highlights the rise of far-right movements like Pegida in Germany and the AfD, as well as the growth of populist discourse in Austria, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Denmark. It argues that structural issues—such as the 'apartheid' between French cities and banlieues, youth unemployment, and resource tensions—drive instability. The document advocates for a strategy based on education, equal rights for minorities, and the reinforcement of universal values of freedom and solidarity to combat extremism.

The Climate Knowledge Brokers Manifesto argues that a significant gap exists between the production of climate science and its practical application in decision-making. It proposes that 'knowledge brokers' act as critical filters and translators who synthesize, contextualize, and deliver tailored information to users across various sectors and localities. The document outlines six primary user needs—ranging from basic availability and trust to local enrichment and access to raw data—and describes the broker's role as a multi-disciplinary interface. To improve effectiveness, the CKB Group advocates for a community of practice based on collaboration, open knowledge principles, and the adoption of interoperable digital standards to break down information silos.

The research paper examines the economic barriers to a green transition, specifically 'carbon lock-in' where existing high-emission infrastructure reinforces itself. Using a post-Keynesian 'brown-green capital' model, the author argues that a transition cannot be achieved through carbon pricing alone but requires sustained public investment and a dynamic policy mix. The paper finds that the macroeconomic impact of green investment depends on whether an economy is 'wage-led' or 'profit-led', and that investor uncertainty often leads to underinvestment in green capital even as it becomes more productive.

Benoît Lechat discusses the need to broaden the social appeal of ecological policies in Europe, critiquing the 'liberal-productivism' that dominates the EU and the 'ascetic' or 'expertocratic' image of Green parties. He analyzes the electoral stabilization of Green parties following the May 2014 European elections, noting gains in Sweden and Austria but declines in France and Belgium. Using the theories of Etienne Balibar, Alain Lipietz, and Ulrich Beck, Lechat argues that climate change must be treated as a strict social issue rather than a niche environmental one. He specifically reflects on the decline of the Belgian party Ecolo, attributing its loss of voters to problematic coalitions with the PS, mismanagement of photovoltaic green certificates, and resistance to wind energy development in Wallonia.

Benoit Lechat discusses the need to expand the social base of ecological politics in Europe, analyzing the 2014 European election results and the ideological barriers posed by neoliberalism and 'liberal productivism'.

The 2014 European elections saw a significant rise in far-right and eurosceptic forces, particularly in France where the Front National achieved 25% of the vote. While the German Greens maintained a double-digit result, they lost three mandates. Across Europe, the Green faction became more regionally diverse with new representatives from countries like Spain, Hungary, and Croatia, though it lost influence due to the collapse of a progressive majority in the Parliament. The author argues that the Greens must counter the narrative of the EU as a neoliberal tool and push for an end to unilateral austerity policies to restore trust in European integration.

EU coal emissions rose 6% from 2010 to 2013, contributing to 18% of total EU CO2 emissions. This increase was driven by fuel-switching from gas to coal in Germany, the UK, and Poland, which together account for 66% of coal-based emissions. While renewables and falling demand reduced overall fossil generation by 4.3% per year, the low carbon price under the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) failed to prevent coal's resurgence. The report warns that the Industrial Emissions Directive (IED) may not force expected closures because of cheaper compliance technologies and the introduction of capacity markets, particularly in the UK and Poland, which risk locking in high-carbon infrastructure into the 2030s. Modelling suggests that if coal remains cheaper than gas, emissions will fall only 3% by 2016, though the potential for fuel-switching will increase by 2020. Sandbag recommends urgent ETS reform, mandatory carbon intensity reporting, and targeted CCS funding.

The 2014 European elections were characterized by a shift toward pan-European campaigning and a rise in anti-integrationist and nationalistic movements. While Green parties saw improved results across many member states, overall voter turnout remained low at 43 percent. The results suggest a more complex process for achieving political majorities in the Parliament and highlight a growing public debate over the future and role of the European Union.

The 2014 European elections were characterized by a shift toward European-wide campaigning and the increased importance of the European Parliament, though voter turnout remained low at 43%. The results showed a rise in nationalist and right-wing populist forces, particularly in northern countries, while left-wing parties gained in Southern Europe due to austerity policies. Green parties performed better than predicted, expanding their presence to at least 15 member states, including first-time successes in Hungary and Croatia. The author notes a lack of influence of foreign policy—specifically the Ukraine crisis—on the election and warns of the potential for the United Kingdom to leave the EU.

The report analyzes the implementation of the Effort Sharing Decision (ESD), which targets non-ETS sectors responsible for nearly 60% of EU emissions. While 15 Member States are projected to over-achieve their 2020 targets, others face significant gaps, particularly in road transport and buildings. The document highlights that while the overall EU 2020 target is likely to be met, several countries rely on flexibility mechanisms or planned additional measures rather than existing policies to close their emission gaps.

The report assesses the 2009-2014 European Parliament term from a Green perspective, highlighting victories in energy efficiency, data protection, and fisheries, while critiquing the influence of fossil fuel and agro-industrial lobbies. It argues for a more democratic, social, and ecologically sustainable European Union to counter neoliberal austerity and conservative pushback.

The report introduces 'governAbilities' as the nexus of sustainability, accountability, and adaptability, arguing that these three operational areas are essential for governments to maintain a 'social licence to operate' in a complex, uncertain century. It identifies four common principles—outcome-based, multistakeholder, forward-looking, and multi-dimensional—that link these abilities. To operationalize these, the authors propose a toolkit including Budgeting for Outcomes, Indicator Information Systems, Multistakeholder Councils, Scenario Planning, and Integrated Strategies. The report provides global case studies, such as Germany's sustainability reporting and Washington State's budgeting process, to demonstrate how these tools can be implemented to improve public management and policy resilience.

The document argues that subnational governments are essential for implementing sustainable development policies because they are closest to citizens' needs and can foster grassroots innovation. It emphasizes the need for 'vertical coordination'—the linking of local, subnational, national, and supranational levels—to ensure policy coherence. Using empirical research, the author identifies good practice examples in Europe (such as Tyrol, Austria) and other regions (such as Bhutan), while noting that many regions lack systematic links to national strategies due to political independence or administrative bottlenecks. The briefing recommends a 'metagovernance' approach that mixes hierarchical, market, and network styles to better integrate sustainable development across all levels of government.

The document describes the effort by the Green vice mayor of Vienna to transform Mariahilferstrasse, the city's most congested shopping street, into a pedestrian area. Despite exhaustive planning and a test run from August 2013 to February 2014, the project faced significant public opposition and 'collective hysteria' regarding safety. The author argues that the resistance stemmed from a clash of urban visions: one seeking a 'liveable city' with a 'radical limitation of cars' and another viewing the city merely as a place of work. Ultimately, a referendum saw 53% of citizens in the two adjacent districts vote in favour of the project. The author concludes that for the green transformation to succeed, the movement must move beyond its 'small green microcosm' and develop narratives of 'gain and of abundance' to convince majorities rather than preaching abstinence.