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The document examines how the Kimberley Process (KP) failed to address human rights abuses in Zimbabwe's Marange region because its definition of 'conflict diamonds' only covers those used by rebel groups. It details the involvement of Zimbabwean security forces in torture, rape, and smuggling, and the lack of transparency regarding diamond revenues. The authors recommend that the KP expand its definition to include governments, establish local monitoring mechanisms, and require transparency in mining licenses.

The report identifies the top ten business constraints in the SADC region to facilitate policy dialogue and practical solutions. By reviewing World Bank data, World Economic Forum reports, and various Business Climate Surveys, the authors found that SADC countries generally perform poorly in ease of doing business, with Mauritius ranking 23rd and the Democratic Republic of Congo ranking 178th in 2012. The final list of top constraints includes issues such as access to finance, tax administration, lack of skilled labour, policy uncertainty, and infrastructure deficits.

The document argues that Hong Kong serves as a critical hub for South African entry into China due to its free-market economy, legal framework, and logistics infrastructure. It examines the broader China-South Africa strategic partnership, noting that while trade has grown significantly, South Africa struggles with a trade imbalance and a lack of mineral beneficiation. The author suggests that while Hong Kong will remain a key gateway for at least ten years, South Africa should expand its diplomatic presence in other Chinese cities to maintain competitiveness as new regional hubs emerge.

The SADC FTA, launched in 2008 based on a 2000 Trade Protocol, aimed for virtually all intra-regional trade to be duty-free by 2012. While compliance with tariff phase-downs has been generally high, the document notes that only 11 of the 14 member states are fully participating, with the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola not implementing the protocol due to economic recovery needs. Challenges persist regarding the restrictive nature of revised rules of origin, the lack of a verification process for non-tariff barrier exceptions, and significant delays in customs clearance compared to trade with non-SADC markets.

The document analyzes French relations with sub-Saharan Africa under President Nicolas Sarkozy, highlighting a pattern of oscillation between a public discourse of renewal and the practical maintenance of ties with authoritarian leaders. It details reforms in military presence, such as the closure of the Dakar base and the renegotiation of defense agreements, while noting continued interventions in Côte d’Ivoire and Chad. Commercially, France remains dominant in Francophone Africa through the CFA Franc zone and strategic interests in oil and uranium, though it is increasingly competing with new powers like China. The author argues that a lack of transparency continues to fuel conspiracy theories and negative perceptions of French influence across the continent.

The document argues that increasing Africa's education spending from 4% to 4.8% of GDP could lead to universal primary education by 2030 and universal basic education by 2035. Using the International Futures (IFs) model, the authors project that this investment would add US$ 2.5 trillion to Africa's GDP by 2050, while significantly reducing child malnutrition, extreme poverty, and the probability of state failure. However, the report notes that these gains require a long-term horizon and a reallocation of government funds away from other sectors like health and the military.

The policy brief examines the activities of Chinese state-run banks (Exim Bank and CDB) and the private Luso-Chinese fund Geocapital in Mozambique. While these entities leverage strong political and personal connections to enter the market, they have struggled to attract significant Chinese capital due to poor strategic planning and a lack of institutional capacity within Mozambique. The document highlights specific infrastructure loans and the establishment of Moza Banco, while noting that many large-scale projects have either collapsed or failed to materialize.

South Africa hosted COP 17 in 2011 with the goal of establishing legal guidelines for carbon emission reductions and advancing a post-2012 global climate regime. The document highlights the tension between developed and developing nations regarding binding targets, specifically the stalemate over the Kyoto Protocol. South Africa aims to act as a bridge-builder, championing African agency and adaptation needs while coordinating with the BASIC alliance. Domestically, the document notes that South Africa must finalize policies on carbon taxes and renewable energy tariffs to lead by example, as it is the world's 13th highest greenhouse-gas emitter.

The document examines the transition of Chinese finance in Africa from peripheral concessional lending to a more central, diverse role involving commercial banking and strategic investments. It details the internal reforms of the Chinese banking system that enabled international expansion and uses case studies of South Africa, Nigeria, and Mozambique to illustrate different engagement strategies. The analysis highlights a shift toward joint ventures and partnerships with local banks to mitigate risk and gain market knowledge, while also noting the growing influence of the renminbi in trade settlements.

The report examines the surge of foreign direct investment in African farmland and water, often termed "land grabs," and its negative impacts on local communities, human rights, and food security. It identifies three main types of investors: food-insecure states, western agribusinesses, and financial sector actors. The document highlights systemic failures, including lack of transparency, weak land tenure laws, and the marginalization of women. It proposes a role for parliamentarians as watchdogs and legislators to ensure free, prior and informed consent and transparency. Key recommendations include land tenure reform, the potential for a moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions, and the adoption of inclusive business models to align investment with national development strategies and the Maputo Declaration.

The document details the consequences of a surge in foreign land acquisitions in Africa, driven by global food and energy demands. It highlights the erosion of local land rights, lack of transparency in contracts, and the marginalization of women. It proposes a parliamentary roadmap including land reform, mandatory community consent, and a potential moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions to ensure investments benefit local populations.

The document analyzes the surge of foreign direct investment in African farmland and water, often termed 'land grabbing', highlighting the systemic lack of transparency and the violation of local land rights. It identifies three types of investors—food-insecure states, agribusinesses, and financial speculators—and examines the legal frameworks that often prioritize investor protections over community rights. The report advocates for a parliamentary role in ensuring social inclusion, promoting inclusive business models, and implementing the Maputo Declaration's agricultural goals. It concludes with a draft resolution calling for a moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions until a proper governance framework is established.

The document details the outcomes of a July 2011 seminar on foreign investment in African arable land and water. It identifies the drivers of 'land grabbing'—including biofuel demand and food insecurity in Gulf and Asian states—and analyzes the negative impacts on rural populations, particularly women. The report highlights a systemic lack of transparency in investment contracts and the weakness of national land laws, which often allow governments to allocate land despite existing community use. It proposes a parliamentary roadmap focusing on legislative oversight, the requirement of free, prior, and informed consent, and the potential for a moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions until robust governance frameworks are established.

The document details the outcomes of a July 2011 seminar on 'land grabs' in Africa, highlighting how large-scale foreign investments often undermine local land rights, water access, and gender equality. It argues that current investment models frequently lack transparency and fail to deliver promised socio-economic benefits. The report calls for a temporary moratorium on large-scale land acquisitions, the adoption of the Maputo Declaration's 10% budget allocation for agriculture, and a stronger role for parliamentarians in overseeing contracts and protecting community rights.

The document argues that SADC's approach to the Zimbabwean crisis is heavily shaped by a 'club of brother presidents' mentality, where former liberation movements (including ZANU–PF, ANC, MPLA, FRELIMO, SWAPO, and CCM) prioritize solidarity over democratic pressure. This historical conservatism has led to a policy of 'quiet diplomacy' and a reluctance to compel ZANU–PF to fully implement the Global Political Agreement (GPA). The author notes that ZANU–PF has strategically reinvented its history to strengthen ties with regional partners and frame the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) as a Western 'Trojan Horse'. The paper concludes that the MDC's lack of liberation credentials isolates it within a region where ruling parties still derive legitimacy from anti-colonial struggles.

The document examines the role of services in SADC economies, noting that while the sector is a primary driver of GDP and employment, it is often characterized by inefficiency and high costs. It compares two primary regulatory frameworks: the EU-SADC EPA, which is described as more ambitious and driven by EU interests, and the SADC Protocol on Trade in Services, which is viewed as less ambitious and unlikely to push member states beyond existing WTO commitments. The authors argue that external agreements may provide the necessary stimulus for domestic regulatory reform where political or capacity constraints hinder unilateral action.

The document argues that achieving an annual improvement of nearly 2 percentage points in water and sanitation access across Africa would significantly reduce child malnutrition and infant mortality, increase GDP, and lower the probability of state failure. It identifies that such progress requires an additional public investment of nearly US $35 billion over 40 years, primarily targeting sanitation. The analysis highlights that success in this sector is driven by public policy, institutional management, and finance rather than technology, citing examples from Burkina Faso and Ethiopia.

The report examines seven transboundary river basins—Congo, Okavango, Red, La Plata, Danube, Mekong, and Jordan—to evaluate how ecosystem services (ES) are integrated into Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM). It finds that while IWRM planning is common, actual implementation is weak and often focuses on traditional services like hydropower and navigation, neglecting critical ES such as carbon sequestration and flood regulation. The authors argue that moving toward an ES-based 'benefit-sharing' model, supported by economic instruments like Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES), can overcome political, institutional, and financial barriers to sustainable transboundary water management.

The document examines the evolution of Portuguese-Angolan relations since Angola's independence, highlighting a shift from historical conflict to a strategic partnership driven by economic interests and political rapprochement following the end of the Angolan civil war in 2002.

The document examines the role of business delegations in South African state visits from 2009 to 2010, highlighting the collaboration between Business Unity South Africa (BUSA) and the Department of Trade and Industry (dti). While these visits facilitate networking and government understanding of private sector needs, they face challenges including lack of dedicated funding, poor strategic planning, and concerns over political representivity. The author recommends a new model with clearer roles, dedicated resources, and pre-visit reconnaissance to maximize economic outcomes.