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The document examines Russia's strategic return to Africa after a period of decline in the 1990s. It details the transition from Soviet-era ideological support to a modern, pragmatic approach focused on natural resources, arms trade, and diplomatic influence. The analysis highlights the role of the BRICS framework, particularly South Africa's membership, as a catalyst for renewed engagement. While Russia has established diplomatic ties with all African nations and increased investments in mining and energy, the paper notes a gap between high-level agreements and practical implementation, as well as a continued disparity in attention between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa.

The Basque Country exhibits a high resource dependency, with a Total Material Requirement of 108 tons per capita in 2004, 83% of which is imported. This consumption pattern drives significant environmental and social degradation abroad, including oil spills in Nigeria, deforestation for palm oil in Indonesia, toxic pollution from nickel mining in Russia, and watershed degradation from tin mining in Bolivia. The document argues that the economic prosperity of developed regions is linked to an unsustainable use of global resources and calls for a transformation in consumption and production patterns to meet basic human needs without exceeding planetary limits.

The policy briefing addresses the declining momentum of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and its National Programmes of Action (NPOA). It identifies causes for this decline, such as lack of interest from heads of state and insufficient financial support, and proposes reviving the process by integrating NPOA into National Developmental Plans (NDPs) and collaborating with African Union organs and regional economic communities.

The document reviews the history of the TICAD process from its inception in 1993 to the 2013 TICAD V summit, highlighting Japan's shift from a front-line aid provider to a partner navigating a landscape of increased investment from BRIC nations. It details the specific goals of previous conferences and outlines the three core themes of TICAD V: a robust and sustainable economy, an inclusive and resilient society, and peace and stability. The author argues that Japan needs to strengthen its internal institutional capacity and public relations to better differentiate its approach from those of the US, Europe, and China.

The document examines the role of African states in the global nuclear security framework, specifically focusing on the transition from the Nuclear Security Summit process to the IAEA's leadership. It highlights the limited representation of African nations at summits but notes their substantive contributions through treaty ratification and regional cooperation. The brief recommends that African states develop a unified perspective for upcoming international conferences and strengthen domestic legislation to align with global safety and security standards.

The report analyzes the shift in power dynamics in Mali after the 2013 French military intervention. It notes that while the intervention strengthened the authority of the interim presidency and marginalized the 2012 coup leaders, deep-seated governance issues and tensions between the state and armed groups in the north remain. The author argues that military success must be followed by inclusive national reconciliation and a credible electoral process to avoid a return to previous systemic failures.

The report analyzes the shift in power relations in Mali after the 2013 French military intervention, noting a 're-presidentialised' political system and a temporary decline in the influence of the 2012 military junta. It argues that while military gains in the north have been achieved, lasting stability requires inclusive reconciliation that addresses the grievances of northern communities and a credible electoral process that avoids returning to previous patterns of corruption. The author cautions against a traditional UN peacekeeping mission, suggesting a peace support operation instead, and emphasizes the need for comprehensive security sector reform and regional cooperation to counter terrorist and criminal networks.

The document examines the evolution of suicide attacks in Africa, distinguishing between ad hoc incidents and those part of broader campaigns by groups like AQLIM, al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram. It details tactical advantages, target selection, and delivery methods, while providing a historical analysis of attacks in countries such as Kenya, Tanzania, Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt, Somalia, and Nigeria. The guide also offers recommendations for preventing recruitment and improving intelligence gathering, while warning against repressive counter-terrorism measures that may fuel further radicalization.

The document describes a planned conference, 'The APRM +10: Reviewing a Decade of Peer Learning and Projecting a Future of Governance in Africa', to be held in Addis Ababa in May 2013. It seeks to evaluate the APRM's progress since its 2003 establishment, specifically focusing on the implementation of National Programmes of Action (NPoAs) and the role of civil society in holding member states accountable. The briefing highlights the tension between the voluntary nature of the APRM and the compulsory nature of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG), while calling for better synergies between the APRM and other AU organs, such as the Pan African Parliament and the Peace and Security Commission.

The document analyzes the 'troubling confusion' in Nigeria's strategy against Boko Haram, contrasting a military-oriented approach supported by the EU with reports of secret peace talks in Senegal. It suggests that the government's responses are incoherent and may be driven by political motives related to President Jonathan's 2015 re-election bid. The briefing recommends moving toward a bottom-up dialogue strategy and improving the delivery of public goods to address the underlying socio-economic grievances that fuel the violence.

The African Union (AU) has shifted the continental focus from decolonisation to development and economic integration. While it has established institutional infrastructure, implemented peacekeeping missions, and promoted democratic norms—such as refusing to recognise coup-led governments—it faces a structural impasse in achieving developmental goals. The author argues that the AU must move beyond ambitious declarations toward pragmatic outcomes, specifically by translating governance into developmental deliverables, strengthening regional economic communities like ECOWAS, and clarifying leadership principles for the AU Commission.

The document examines the struggle of Chinese Economic and Trade Co-operation Zones (ETCZs) in Africa to become operational, identifying failures in implementation, infrastructure, and regulatory frameworks. While eight zones were approved across several African nations, only the zone in Egypt is fully operational. The author argues that these zones are hindered by a top-down Chinese approach, cultural barriers, and a lack of integrated industrial policies in host countries, contrasting their struggle with the relative success of private Chinese industrial zones.

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.

The document argues that Hong Kong serves as a critical hub for South African entry into China due to its free-market economy, legal framework, and logistics infrastructure. It examines the broader China-South Africa strategic partnership, noting that while trade has grown significantly, South Africa struggles with a trade imbalance and a lack of mineral beneficiation. The author suggests that while Hong Kong will remain a key gateway for at least ten years, South Africa should expand its diplomatic presence in other Chinese cities to maintain competitiveness as new regional hubs emerge.

South Africa hosted COP 17 in 2011 with the goal of establishing legal guidelines for carbon emission reductions and advancing a post-2012 global climate regime. The document highlights the tension between developed and developing nations regarding binding targets, specifically the stalemate over the Kyoto Protocol. South Africa aims to act as a bridge-builder, championing African agency and adaptation needs while coordinating with the BASIC alliance. Domestically, the document notes that South Africa must finalize policies on carbon taxes and renewable energy tariffs to lead by example, as it is the world's 13th highest greenhouse-gas emitter.

The document analyzes Nigeria's multifaceted relationships with Brazil, Russia, India, and China, highlighting a pattern where Nigeria leverages its oil and gas resources to secure infrastructural development and technical cooperation. While diplomatic and trade ties are strong—particularly with India and China—the paper notes significant friction regarding the quality of Chinese goods, the treatment of workers by Indian and Chinese employers, and the failure of some BRIC entities to honor infrastructure commitments in exchange for oil blocks. It also details the strategic rivalry among the BRICs to capture Nigeria's market, noting that India's linguistic and historical advantages contrast with China's superior financial muscle.

The document examines the role of business delegations in South African state visits from 2009 to 2010, highlighting the collaboration between Business Unity South Africa (BUSA) and the Department of Trade and Industry (dti). While these visits facilitate networking and government understanding of private sector needs, they face challenges including lack of dedicated funding, poor strategic planning, and concerns over political representivity. The author recommends a new model with clearer roles, dedicated resources, and pre-visit reconnaissance to maximize economic outcomes.

The document examines Angola's economic performance between 2002 and 2008, highlighting the risks associated with high oil intensity and the potential for 'peak oil' between 2010 and 2025. It argues that while the oil sector has a positive direct impact on the non-oil sector, a poor business climate and weak public spending effectiveness hinder broader development. The author recommends prioritizing domestic capital investment over the creation of a national wealth fund and emphasizes the need for transparent public finance management and democratic stability to ensure long-term economic sustainability.

India's engagement with Africa has evolved from a post-colonial focus on decolonisation and non-alignment to a pragmatic 'enlightened national interest' approach. This modern strategy is driven by India's need for energy security, specifically crude petroleum, and its ambition for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Trade has grown significantly, with bilateral trade reaching $39 billion in 2008–09, and Indian investment has expanded across hydrocarbons, mining, agriculture, and ICT. India continues to support African capacity building through the ITEC programme and the Pan-African e-network project, aiming to marry its traditional idealistic goals with contemporary economic and strategic needs.

The document examines the evolving India-Africa partnership, highlighting energy as a primary driver due to India's rising import dependency. It details India's diversification strategy across coal, oil, natural gas, and uranium, while arguing that the relationship extends beyond energy into trade, defence, and capacity building. The analysis contrasts India's approach with that of China and the West, emphasizing the need for sustainable energy governance to avoid the 'resource curse' and energy poverty in Africa.