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The report examines the gap between evidence generation and its application in conservation and humanitarian sectors. It identifies that many decisions are driven by heuristics, cognitive biases, and organizational norms rather than rigorous data. The authors categorize decision-making levels (field, program, and strategic) and types of evidence (situational, indigenous, scientific, etc.), ultimately recommending five strategies to foster evidence-informed decisions: strengthening researcher-practitioner relationships, combining different knowledge types, supporting structured processes, increasing research accessibility, and influencing organizational norms.

The document outlines a framework for building a resilient 1.5-degree world, focusing on three pillars: resilient economies, people/communities, and environments. It emphasizes the need to bring adaptation and resilience investment on par with mitigation, noting that current resilience finance is only around 5%. The report highlights specific global initiatives, such as the Insuresilience Global Partnership and the CRAFT fund, and provides a detailed annex of stakeholder contributions regarding data access, nature-based solutions, and the empowerment of marginalized groups.

The open letter calls on nine Multilateral Development Banks to accelerate their commitment to the Paris Agreement by ending all assistance for oil, gas, and coal projects after 2020. It demands a rapid scale-up of investments in renewables and energy efficiency, specifically targeting universal energy access by 2030 and allocating at least 50% of finance to climate by 2025. The letter emphasizes the need for transparent reporting on portfolio emissions and the development of just transition plans for workers and communities.

Mighty Earth calls on Sumitomo Corporation to stop financing coal power plants in Asia and importing biomass that contributes to deforestation.

The document argues that domestic budgets are often the largest source of adaptation finance in developing countries but are systematically under-utilised due to technical, institutional, and political barriers. It introduces 'climate budgeting' as a set of interventions across the budget cycle—from preparation and approval to execution and oversight—to prioritise adaptation. Through case studies in the Philippines, Afghanistan, India, and Bangladesh, the paper demonstrates how tools like climate budget tagging and climate change impact appraisal (CCIA) can increase the volume and quality of adaptation spending. It concludes with recommendations for governments to mainstream adaptation into routine public financial management and for international funders to use domestic budgets as a delivery modality for climate finance.

The report argues that framing migration as a security threat—driven largely by EU policies to stem migration to Europe—leads to restrictive border controls and the criminalisation of smuggling. Using Agadez, Niger, as a case study, the author demonstrates that these securitised approaches do not stop irregular migration but instead increase local insecurity, empower high-level smugglers, expose migrants to greater risks, and erode trust between citizens and governments. The document recommends shifting the narrative toward evidence-based migration management and expanding legal pathways for movement within Africa and between Africa and the EU.

The report examines the role of 'social control' or public accountability in democratic policing, contrasting 'back-end' accountability (addressing misconduct after it occurs) with 'front-end' accountability (public involvement in policy and practice). It identifies challenges to public engagement in fragile democracies, such as social inequalities and the use of police as tools for ruling elites. The author proposes a four-step approach for African contexts: opening communication lines, building trust through dialogue, developing multi-tiered partnerships, and collaborating on community-level problem solving. Case studies from Jamaica, the US, Brazil, and Honduras illustrate various collaborative and confrontational mechanisms of public oversight.

The report finds that while social media engagement alone achieves limited results in promoting police accountability in Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda, it serves as a valuable tool for documenting misconduct and mobilising the public. Analysis shows a general net negative sentiment towards police in all three countries, though the nature of engagement varies: Kenyans and Ugandans frequently tag official police handles, whereas Tanzanians rely more on activist profiles due to a more repressive environment. The study highlights that police responsiveness on social media directly correlates with improved public sentiment, though overall response rates remain very low.

The briefing discusses the risks of top-down rural electrification, citing a failed $100,000 project in India as an example of stranded assets. It proposes that community-led minigrids—designed in partnership with local leadership structures like cooperatives—can lower system costs and electricity prices by 60% from 2018 levels. RMI's Africa Energy Program is implementing the 'Sharing the Power' project over three years in sub-Saharan Africa, with potential testing sites in Nigeria and Ethiopia, to demonstrate how community involvement in planning and operation enhances financial and social sustainability.

The document argues that while SADC countries face significant digital divides and infrastructure gaps, adopting 4IR technologies is essential for economic growth. It identifies key constraints as a lack of ICT infrastructure, policy agility, and digital skills, suggesting that spectrum and infrastructure sharing are vital for improving affordability and coverage.

The Nigerian Green Bond Market Development Programme, a partnership between FMDQ Securities Exchange, Climate Bonds Initiative (CBI), and FSD Africa, aims to develop a corporate green bond market in Nigeria over three years. Since its June 2018 launch, the programme has facilitated capacity building for regulators, investors, and issuers, and supported the creation of the SEC's Green Bond Listing Rules. Key achievements include the issuance of the first CBI-certified corporate green bond in Africa by Access Bank PLC and a long-tenured green infrastructure bond by North South Power. The report emphasizes the need for financial incentives, such as tax credits, to offset the costs of external reviews and to attract private capital to bridge Nigeria's significant infrastructure gap.

The document is a collection of scholarly essays celebrating the career of Professor Maxi Schoeman. It examines her theoretical work in constructivism and human security, her critiques of South African foreign policy from the Mandela era through the Zuma administration, and her analysis of the South African National Defence Force's role in regional peacekeeping. The text highlights the tension between South Africa's constitutional human rights values and its pragmatic, often contradictory, international engagements.

The report examines the risks of increased arms sales to Africa, the fragile peace negotiations in Sudan and Mozambique, and the role of the AfCFTA in addressing structural drivers of conflict. It also critiques the AU Peace and Security Council for its lack of meeting records and discusses security threats in the Sahel.

The report reveals that wildlife rangers globally face excessive safety and health risks, including inadequate housing, medical care, and communication equipment. It highlights a significant wage gap between rangers and police officers and documents high rates of infectious diseases, particularly malaria in Africa. The study also explores community perceptions of rangers and the lack of comprehensive insurance coverage for on-the-job injuries and fatalities.

This research paper examines Russia's strategic re-engagement with Africa, framing the first Russia-Africa summit as a symbolic effort to assert global influence and bypass Western economic sanctions. The author argues that Russia's turn toward the continent is part of a broader multi-vector foreign policy aimed at promoting a multipolar international system to counter US dominance.

This report from the South African Institute of International Affairs examines Africa's agency within the global order, highlighting the challenges of multilateralism, the continent's marginal position in international systems, and the institutional struggles of the African Union.

The document examines the Global Compact on Refugees (GCR) and the Comprehensive Refugee Response Framework (CRRF), arguing that while they offer a progressive 'whole of society' approach to refugee integration, their non-binding nature and flawed funding mechanisms hinder their effectiveness in Africa. It highlights a gap between liberal policy and implementation in South Africa and the failure of the CRRF in Tanzania due to financial burdens. The authors advocate for a results-based management system and a stronger link between security, development, and migration to address the root causes of displacement on the continent.

The report describes Africa as a 'resilient but marginal player' in a global order where multilateralism is eroding and power is shifting toward a polycentric model. It identifies key barriers to African agency, including structural economic dependence, internal political fragmentation among 55 diverse states, and limited capacity at UN missions. The authors argue that Africa can increase its leverage by pooling resources through the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and by leveraging the 'Big 5' powers (Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, Algeria, and Ethiopia) to unify continental positions. While the report notes the risks of great power competition—specifically the 'new Scramble for Africa'—it highlights that African states have successfully exercised agency in relations with China through the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

The document maps the 4IR readiness of SADC member states, identifying critical gaps in ICT infrastructure, data affordability, and digital skills. Through case studies of South Africa, Lesotho, and Malawi, it highlights how policy inconsistency, lack of competition, and a deficit in STEM education hinder technological adoption. It advocates for 'agile governance' and integrated science, technology, and innovation (STI) policies to bridge the digital divide and recommends that the SADC Secretariat focus on skills and awareness to create a regional enabling environment.

The document examines the transition of digital technologies from tools of democratic empowerment to instruments of state control in Africa. It distinguishes between 'hard' digital dictatorship, characterized by internet shutdowns and restrictive legislation, and 'soft' digital dictatorship, involving the use of big data and disinformation to manipulate public behavior. While hard tactics are currently more prevalent in Africa, the author warns of a shift toward more sophisticated, data-driven manipulation.