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The guide argues that traditional mining tax regimes, primarily based on corporate income tax and royalties, are outdated and vulnerable to profit shifting. It highlights how the energy transition, disruptive technologies like AI and automation, and climate change are altering the economic landscape of the extractive sector. The document proposes a three-step dialogue process involving governments, industry, and civil society to identify innovative fiscal reforms that ensure sustainable and equitable revenue collection for resource-rich developing nations.

The report argues that traditional mining tax regimes, primarily based on corporate income tax and royalties, are outdated and often fail to generate expected revenues due to aggressive tax planning by multinationals and overly generous incentives. It highlights how the transition to a low-carbon economy, the rise of automation and AI in mining, and the pressures of climate change and the COVID-19 pandemic necessitate a reconsideration of how states tax mineral resources. The document proposes a three-step dialogue process involving governments, industry, and civil society to develop a manual of innovative fiscal ideas that ensure equitable and sustainable returns from mining.

The report highlights the risks posed by the digital transformation of the maritime sector in Africa, noting that while most incidents have occurred elsewhere, the continent's heavy reliance on seaborne trade makes it vulnerable. It identifies a significant gap in Africa-specific research and a slow rate of ratification for the AU Malabo Convention. The author recommends that African Union member states adopt national cyber laws and that the AU integrate cyber security into the African Peace and Security Architecture and the 2050 Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy.

The report examines the AU's efforts to adapt counter-terrorism operations through the African Standby Force, the impact of COVID-19 on election observation, and the need for incumbents to step down during elections to ensure fairness. It also analyzes the tension between the principle of inviolable colonial borders and secessionist movements, such as in Ghana, and discusses the complexities of harmonizing a common African position in negotiations with the European Union.

The document examines how Covid-19 triggered financial instability in Africa through capital outflows, falling commodity prices, and sovereign credit downgrades, while recommending the development of local capital markets and continental policy coordination to enhance resilience.

The document analyzes the EU's Just Transition Mechanism (JTM) as a political tool to overcome national resistance to decarbonization, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe. By 'rescaling' support to subnational NUTS 3 regions, the EU aims to empower local actors and generate bottom-up support for climate goals. However, the author warns that national governments may act as gatekeepers to funding, and that a regional focus may fail to protect the most vulnerable groups if not paired with broader social policies. The brief also argues for integrating just transition into EU foreign policy to support fossil-fuel-producing countries outside the bloc.

The paper argues that while existing climate services primarily support short-term farming decisions, they must be expanded to include decadal and long-term projections to guide transformative adaptation—significant systemic changes to agricultural production. A review of 253 national documents found that only 2.7% describe transformative applications of CS. The authors recommend integrating long-term climate data with crop models and socioeconomic factors to identify viability thresholds and map adaptation pathways, while emphasizing the need to modernize National Meteorological and Hydrological Services (NMHS) and ensure equitable access for marginalized farmers.

The pandemic has exacerbated existing infrastructure funding weaknesses in Africa, leading to potential debt defaults, as seen in Zambia's request to pause repayments on $3bn in bonds. China is a dominant creditor, with 44% of Zambia's total debt owed to it and 60% of this year's debt repayments from poor countries going to China. While China has joined the G20's Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI), it prefers opaque, case-by-case negotiations and classifies some major lenders, like the China Development Bank, as commercial entities to exempt them from the initiative. The author suggests that African nations may enter deals similar to Laos's hydroelectric plant agreement—where a Chinese entity became the majority shareholder to forestall default—to avoid credit downgrades by agencies like Fitch Ratings and maintain access to capital markets, potentially increasing China's control over African state assets.

The document analyses the scope and direction of energy transition policies in 34 African countries, evaluating them against dimensions of energy justice. It finds a general shift toward market-oriented regimes using auction instruments and feed-in tariffs, but warns that an overemphasis on bankability can sideline development goals. The brief identifies several 'good practice' countries and recommends that AU-EU cooperation integrate energy justice criteria, support regional partners, and facilitate policy learning from African successes.

The World Resources Institute (WRI) and its subsidiaries reported total assets of $261,740,321 as of September 30, 2020, an increase from $169,995,735 in 2019. The organization's total operating revenues for the 2020 fiscal year were $235,894,882, with total operating expenses of $143,915,998. Independent auditors Grant Thornton LLP issued an unmodified opinion on the financial statements and confirmed compliance with the major federal program identified as the USAID Hay Tao Program. WRI's work focuses on seven critical issues: Climate, Energy, Food, Forests, Water, Cities and Ocean, supported by disciplinary centers in Business, Economics, Finance, and Governance. The organization maintains a donor-restricted endowment of $25 million (cost basis) and operates regional offices in China and Africa, as well as subsidiaries in India and Europe.

The document argues for a comprehensive AU-EU partnership on the green transition and energy access that moves beyond a risk-based lens to address Africa's developmental goals. It highlights the critical need to expand electricity access, leverage private investment through de-risking mechanisms, and integrate nexus issues such as agriculture and the digital economy. While acknowledging the disruption of the COVID-19 pandemic, the briefing suggests the crisis offers an opportunity to redesign the partnership to ensure a just transition that includes skills development and gender mainstreaming.

The study analyzes the 'El Morro' catchment in Argentina, where the conversion of native forests to agriculture has led to rising water tables and the emergence of new streams. The authors identify five mechanisms of competition: plants taking water from streams via unsaturated uptake (mechanism 1), focalized saturated uptake in wetlands (mechanism 2), and distributed saturated uptake in forests (mechanism 3); and streams taking water from plants through streambed deepening (mechanism 4) and sediment deposition (mechanism 5). Findings indicate that while unsaturated uptake previously suppressed streamflow, current high water tables have made saturated uptake by forests and wetlands significant, though deepening streams are now actively reclaiming water by lowering local water tables.

The document analyzes the energy deficit in Africa, noting that over 600 million people lack electricity. It identifies key barriers to green energy adoption, including a need for $70 billion in annual investment, technical capacity gaps, and fossil fuel subsidies. The author argues that the AfCFTA can fast-track the transition by creating a unified market, reducing investment risks through dispute resolution mechanisms, and facilitating the free movement of skilled labor. Additionally, the briefing suggests that the EU-Africa partnership should shift from bilateral aid to regional support, prioritize institutional knowledge sharing on fossil fuel transitions, and focus on local adaptation of green technologies rather than mere imports.

The document examines the challenges of Africa's transition to renewable energy, highlighting a significant skills gap and the persistent under-representation of women in energy value chains. It argues that while gender-mainstreaming policies exist, they often lack the monitoring, evaluation, and comprehensive support systems—such as financial and technical assistance—necessary to create tangible change. The briefing specifically calls for the AU-EU strategic partnership to better integrate gender dimensions into its green transition and energy access pillars, particularly for youth and those in fossil-fuel-dependent economies to ensure a just transition.

The policy brief contends that Africa's vulnerability to crises like COVID-19 and climate change is exacerbated by low access to energy and the digital economy. It proposes that the AU-EU partnership should prioritise decentralised, renewable energy solutions to bridge the digital divide, as internet access is viewed as a critical value-added energy service and a human right. The document recommends that multi-lateral financial institutions invest in green energy, while policymakers incentivise broadband access and integrate ICT skills into education to foster economic inclusion and climate resilience.

The document argues that public funds alone cannot meet Africa's growing energy demands, which require an estimated $120 billion annually until 2040. It advocates for 'green financing'—blending public, development, and private capital—to reduce investment risks and improve affordability. Using Kenya as a model, the brief details how instruments like Partial Risk Guarantees, concessional loans, and Feed-in Tariffs have facilitated large-scale wind and geothermal projects. It specifically encourages the European Union to leverage its development finance institutions to create risk-mitigation products and support local private sector partnerships to accelerate the continent's green transition.

The policy brief highlights the 'value-addition gap' in African agriculture, where low productivity and lack of energy access limit economic growth. It proposes that the AU-EU partnership focus on deploying solar mini-grids to power village-level agro-processing, reforming cooperatives to improve farmer bargaining power, and providing micro-finance and micro-enterprise training to smallholders. Using Uganda's maize sector as an example, the document demonstrates that over 60% of maize croplands could be served by mini-grids, which would displace inefficient diesel mills and reduce post-harvest losses.

The policy brief examines the opportunities and challenges of a sustainable energy transition partnership between the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU). It highlights Africa's vast renewable potential and the EU's need for clean energy, while cautioning against post-colonial rhetoric and the economic risks for African fossil-fuel-dependent nations. The authors recommend a joint vision focused on infrastructure investment, technology transfer, and job creation to ensure a just transition.

The policy brief examines how the EU can support the implementation of the AfCFTA to foster African economic integration and resilience. It identifies structural hurdles such as non-tariff barriers and infrastructure deficits, and recommends that the EU reorient its trade support, focus on institutional capacity building, coordinate efforts to match local needs, and engage directly with the African private sector.

The policy brief examines the tension between Africa's need for universal energy access and the competing influences of China's coal-focused Belt and Road Initiative and the EU's green transition strategy. It highlights 'hotspots' of coal development in countries like South Africa and Kenya, noting that social resistance and civil society can halt fossil fuel projects. The author argues that the EU can better compete with China by moving beyond technology transfer to support social innovation, transparency, and mutually respectful business relationships that prioritize local job creation and industrialization over aid.