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The report examines the rapid growth of Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs) and their dual potential to either build peace through economic interdependence or trigger conflict due to power imbalances and social dislocation. While the European Union is cited as a successful model of integration and stability, the authors argue that this trajectory is not automatic for other regions, particularly in the developing world. The document highlights that poorly designed RTAs can cement inequalities, create 'winners and losers' within domestic populations, and fail to prevent inter-state wars. It also discusses the trend of 'good governance' conditionality in North-South agreements and concludes that while isolation is dangerous, an uncritical rush toward regional integration without considering political contexts can be counterproductive.

The article analyzes post-conflict institution-building in Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq, finding that an 'assumption of intransigence' led to the institutionalization of ethnicity, which has hindered peacebuilding. It argues for flexible institutional designs based on in-depth conflict assessments to de-ethnicize politics and ensure inclusivity.

The document examines the political economy of military finance in 18th and 19th-century South Asia, comparing the Mughal Empire, the Kingdom of Mysore, the Maratha Confederacy, and the Khalsa Kingdom against the East India Company (EIC). It argues that while indigenous powers attempted military-fiscal modernisation, they were hindered by diplomatic failings and internal fragmentation. The EIC succeeded by integrating local revenue systems, such as zamindari land taxes, with global maritime trade and Western military structures, eventually establishing the British Raj.

The document examines religion as a multifaceted phenomenon—comprising normative systems, identities, and organisational structures—and evaluates its dual potential to both fuel and resolve armed conflict. It argues that while religion is rarely the sole cause of war, it often perpetuates conflict by hardening identity boundaries. The authors propose a typology of peace brokerage (Liaison, Representative, and Coordinator) and emphasize that successful peacemaking requires 'religious awareness,' including the use of a 'Language of the Second Order' to transcend confessional boundaries. The paper concludes that religious actors are particularly suited for Track-Two diplomacy due to their grassroots and international networks, but warns that excluding religiously identified parties from formal processes can create 'spoiler groups.'

The report examines the gap between global water scarcity models and the local realities of migration. It argues that while global indicators identify high-stress regions, they fail to account for local coping mechanisms, social vulnerability, and the diverse reasons people move. The authors contend that water scarcity is rarely the sole driver of large-scale refugee movements; instead, it interacts with political and economic factors. The document advocates for a livelihoods-based approach to policy that enhances community resilience and recognizes migration as a potential adaptive strategy rather than merely a crisis of 'environmental refugees'.

The paper critiques existing Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA), Social Impact Assessments (SIA), and political risk analyses for their failure to systematically address violent conflict. It proposes a Conflict-Sensitive Business Practice (CSBP) toolbox that integrates conflict analysis tools—such as conflict mapping and stakeholder analysis—across the entire project lifecycle. The authors emphasize that extractive projects are increasingly located in 'frontier areas' where mismanagement of community relations or environmental resources can trigger violence. The proposed CSBP approach advocates for participatory consultation, the establishment of 'no go' thresholds for conflict, and the identification of peacebuilding opportunities through shared environmental concerns.

The document examines the challenges of managing a population of 2.3 million Afghans in Iran, distinguishing between legal refugees and labour migrants. It argues for a comprehensive migration management approach that includes screening, sustained reconstruction in Afghanistan, and regional cooperation to facilitate gradual, voluntary repatriation while maintaining legal labour channels.

The report identifies a significant gap between high-level policy and project-level implementation in peacebuilding efforts by the U4 governments. It recommends shifting impact assessment from individual projects to a strategic level and adopting formal frameworks for both general and case-specific intervention strategies.

The report describes a 'conflictual peacebuilding' process in Afghanistan where the goals of the Bonn Agreement were often undermined by an ongoing war, a heavy dependence on foreign aid, and the continued influence of warlords. While it notes achievements in establishing a political arena and increasing school enrollment, it highlights critical failures in demobilization, human rights, and regional integration. The authors argue that the market-driven reconstruction model risks exacerbating regional inequalities and creating a 'rentier state' accountable to donors rather than citizens.

The report by Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) critiques the 2003 invasion of Iraq, asserting that the US administration's justifications—such as eliminating weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and promoting democracy—are insincere. SGR argues the true drivers are 'full spectrum dominance' and the desire to control strategic oil reserves to reduce reliance on Saudi Arabia. The document details severe humanitarian risks, including potential malnutrition for 1.26 million Iraqi children, and environmental damage, including CO2 emissions from the invasion estimated to equal one year of total UK emissions. It concludes by advocating for a shift from military spending toward solving global poverty, water scarcity, and climate change through renewable energy development.

Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) opposes the planned US-UK attack on Iraq, citing the lack of UN backing, the potential for massive civilian casualties, and the use of indiscriminate weapons. The statement argues that the war would destabilise the Middle East and suggests that the financial resources required for the conflict would be better spent on global health, debt cancellation, and environmentally-friendly technologies.

The document argues that financial institutions can either sustain or mitigate conflict through their investment decisions and resource flows. It identifies tangible risks for the financial sector, including litigation, regulatory costs, and asset defaults, while highlighting 'win-win' opportunities such as 'conflict-free' investment funds and first-mover advantages in post-conflict economies. The text outlines specific levers for peacebuilding—core business, policy dialogue, and social investment—and provides a framework for action across the conflict cycle (conflict-prone, during conflict, and post-conflict).

The report examines 'village demining' in Cambodia, where locals use basic tools to clear land for survival. It contrasts this with professional humanitarian mine action, which prioritizes absolute safety and standardized procedures. The author argues that professional agencies often ignore the relative risks—such as starvation and landlessness—that compel villagers to clear mines. The document recommends a paradigm shift toward community-oriented strategies, including the use of mobile quick-response teams and the integration of mine action with broader development and land-titling initiatives to reduce the vulnerabilities that make village demining necessary.

The briefing argues that establishing a functioning state in Afghanistan requires a new power-sharing formula that avoids reliance on military strength, a long-term commitment from neighboring states to prioritize Afghan stability over regional rivalries, and a shift in international aid from short-term emergency relief to long-term peacebuilding and capacity-building. It warns that any new government must be developed from within to be legitimate, though it suggests an international presence—potentially involving the UN and the Organization of the Islamic Conference—may be necessary to support the transition.

Scientists for Global Responsibility (SGR) condemns the September 11 attacks but warns that US military action in Afghanistan risks civilian casualties and regional instability. The statement argues that global security is undermined by high armament spending and inequality, and calls for the abandonment of the US missile defence programme. SGR further advocates for a strong enforcement regime for the Biological and Toxic Weapons Convention and the elimination of nuclear fuel reprocessing to prevent terrorist acquisition of fissile materials.

The report finds that Sida's support for Humanitarian Mine Action (HMA) has been fragmented and ad hoc, heavily prioritizing mine clearance (85% of funding) over other essential components like impact assessment and survey. While Sida has been a major global donor, its funding trended downward after 1998. The evaluation highlights a 'quiet revolution' in HMA, shifting from output-based measures (mines removed) to impact-based measures (societal effect), and argues that Sida must institutionalize impact assessment to ensure sustainable, development-oriented assistance. It analyzes various implementation channels, noting that NGOs are flexible and innovative but struggle with long-term sustainability, while government/military channels offer better sustainability but may lack humanitarian sensitivity. The report also critiques Sida's R&D and technical initiatives, such as the Mine Detection Dog project in Cambodia, for failing to base needs on local stakeholders and lacking sustainability.

The study examines the evolution of Hazara political organisation across five phases between 1978 and 1992. It tracks the transition from local resistance led by traditional 'mir' leaders to a regional administration under the 'sayyid' clergy, followed by a civil war and the eventual rise of the Islamist-dominated Hezb-e Wahdat party. The author argues that mobilisation was driven by external threats and competition over political influence, while the success of specific organisations depended on their ability to provide private goods and maintain internal control.

The document highlights Afghanistan's significant superhot rock geothermal resources, noting that just 1% of this endowment could provide 144 GW of energy capacity. It argues that this energy source could reduce energy poverty, lower land-use requirements compared to other renewables, and provide reliable firm power to the electrical grid.

The report details how lead pollution causes irreversible health damage, particularly in children, and links these outcomes to violations of international human rights treaties. It highlights specific crises in Nigeria, Kazakhstan, and China, while noting that lead battery manufacturing and recycling are primary global exposure sources.

The report details the severe health risks of lead exposure, particularly for children, and links these impacts to violations of international human rights treaties. It highlights specific cases of lead poisoning in Nigeria, Kazakhstan, and China, and identifies leaded fuel, lead-based paint, and battery recycling as primary sources of contamination.