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The document examines the link between services trade liberalisation and food security in the SADC region. It argues that inefficient, monopolised network services—specifically finance, transport, communications, and energy—hinder agricultural productivity and the development of value-added agro-processing. While SADC has focused on tariff reductions for goods, the author contends that fast-tracking the Services Protocol and improving core infrastructure is necessary to reduce transaction costs and mitigate the impact of food price shocks.

The paper examines the politicized nature of the rice sector in Southeast Asia, where domestic priorities and protectionism often lead to market volatility. It highlights how the 2007–2008 food price crisis drove countries toward insular strategies and 'rice sovereignty'. The authors propose that ASEAN can improve food security by enhancing the ASEAN Food Security Information System (AFSIS) for better transparency and fully actuating the ASEAN Plus Three Emergency Rice Reserve. The document suggests that these cooperative mechanisms can build trust and stability in the international market, providing a more effective alternative to myopic domestic focuses.

The paper argues that while BRICS nations share complementary economic relationships, their individual state-led strategies to promote manufacturing and disputes over currency valuation create friction. It suggests that the group could find common ground by collaborating to resuscitate the WTO Doha round, engaging with China's shift toward a consumption-led economic model, and coordinating a common position on currency reform within the G20 to reduce global protectionism.

The report details a study group session held in March 2012 to evaluate South Africa's engagement with the BRICS nations. Key discussions focused on the potential for a BRICS Development Bank, the tension between competition and cooperation in trade, and the need for a more coherent strategy to bridge the gap between government policy and private sector participation. Panelists highlighted structural trade imbalances, such as South Africa's export of low-value products, and the risk of neglecting other emerging economies and regional SADC trade in favor of BRICS. The session also addressed the critical need for inclusive growth to combat rising inequality within BRICS nations.

The document examines the multifaceted relationship between China and Kenya, highlighting a trade imbalance where Kenya exports raw materials and imports value-added, often counterfeit, products. It analyzes how Chinese construction firms provide efficiency and quality but create unfair competition for local contractors through government-backed financial advantages. The paper evaluates Kenyan legislative responses, such as the Anti-Counterfeit Act of 2008 and the National Construction Authority Act 2010, and suggests regional coordination within the East African Community (EAC) to mitigate negative effects.

The document analyzes the nexus of trade, investment, and competition policy in South Africa, highlighting the shift from early trade liberalization to a more cautious approach centered on employment creation. It details the role of the Competition Act of 1998 in addressing public interest and the complexities of managing foreign direct investment (FDI), illustrated by the Walmart-Massmart merger. The author argues that a robust competition regime is essential to maximize the benefits of FDI and ensure market efficiency while adhering to international obligations.

The document highlights that while the SADC FTA has facilitated some trade growth, its effectiveness is severely hampered by restrictive Rules of Origin, non-tariff barriers (NTBs), and overlapping regional memberships. Private sector actors report administrative burdens in acquiring certificates of origin and the use of technical barriers to trade as veiled protectionism or revenue-raising tools. The briefing recommends harmonizing technical standards, simplifying Rules of Origin through the Tripartite FTA, and improving customs cooperation to reduce the cost of doing business in the region.

The report identifies the top ten business constraints in the SADC region to facilitate policy dialogue and practical solutions. By reviewing World Bank data, World Economic Forum reports, and various Business Climate Surveys, the authors found that SADC countries generally perform poorly in ease of doing business, with Mauritius ranking 23rd and the Democratic Republic of Congo ranking 178th in 2012. The final list of top constraints includes issues such as access to finance, tax administration, lack of skilled labour, policy uncertainty, and infrastructure deficits.

The SADC FTA, launched in 2008 based on a 2000 Trade Protocol, aimed for virtually all intra-regional trade to be duty-free by 2012. While compliance with tariff phase-downs has been generally high, the document notes that only 11 of the 14 member states are fully participating, with the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola not implementing the protocol due to economic recovery needs. Challenges persist regarding the restrictive nature of revised rules of origin, the lack of a verification process for non-tariff barrier exceptions, and significant delays in customs clearance compared to trade with non-SADC markets.

The document analyzes the impasse of the Doha Development Agenda (DDA) and proposes a strategic negotiating stance for South Africa. It argues that South Africa should leverage concessions in the services sector to secure greater market access for agriculture and protect its industrial policy space through the NAMA carve-out, particularly considering its obligations within the Southern African Customs Union (SACU).

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) maintains membership in four Regional Economic Communities (RECs)—COMESA, SADC, ECCAS, and CEPGL—but plays a negligible role in all of them. Despite data showing the DRC is more economically integrated with southern and eastern Africa (SADC and COMESA), the government has shown a preference for integration within the central African region (ECCAS-CEMAC). This contradiction is attributed to political drivers, such as regime survival and external pressure from the EU and Belgium, rather than economic logic. The DRC's integration is further hampered by overlapping memberships, political instability, a lack of industrial diversification, and poor internal transport infrastructure that leaves its provinces more integrated with neighbors than with the national economy.

The document examines the tensions and opportunities in the relationship between the South African government and its business sector regarding activities in Southern Africa. It highlights a domestic legacy of mistrust rooted in apartheid and ideological differences, which hinders coordinated economic diplomacy. While South African corporate expansion supports regional growth, it has also led to perceptions of 'neo-imperialism'. The paper discusses the ANC's call for a business code of conduct and recommends a 'perceptions audit', improved diplomatic skills, and increased dialogue between business and parliament to align national economic interests with regional development goals.

The document analyses the political economy of the Doha Round's 'end-game' and its impact on South Africa. It highlights a conflict between South Africa's state-driven industrial policy and the liberalisation demands of the NAMA-agriculture 'exchange rate'. The authors argue that South Africa's interests are best served by preserving a NAMA carve-out for the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) and offering concessions in the services sector—specifically in telecommunications, transport, and energy—to secure agricultural gains from developed nations.

The document details a high-level policy dialogue in Johannesburg focused on the complementary roles of traditional and emerging powers in Africa's development. It highlights the different priorities of the EU (governance and human rights) versus China, India, and Brazil (infrastructure and equipment), while emphasizing that Africa requires a coordinated engagement policy to avoid a 'new scramble for Africa'. The report explores triangular cooperation, sustainable natural resource management through initiatives like the ICGLR, and the challenges of regional integration and infrastructure funding, noting an annual infrastructure shortfall of US$43 billion.

The research paper examines the stalled Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiations between the EU and the SADC, highlighting that the Trade Cooperation and Development Agreement (TDCA) already liberalises most trade between South Africa and the EU. It identifies agricultural market access and the EU's demand for the protection of geographical indications (GIs) as the primary remaining points of contention. The author argues that because South Africa refuses to negotiate on services, investment, and competition policy, concessions on agriculture may be the only way to reach a deal, which could potentially undermine the Southern African Customs Union's common external tariff if a final agreement is not reached by 1 January 2014.

The document analyzes how African foreign policy is shaped by a persistent state of economic and military weakness, leading to a high dependency on external aid. This dependency often compromises national sovereignty and links domestic governance to international relations. The author identifies a strong continental preference for multilateralism and collective action—exemplified by the African Union and NEPAD—as a means to counterbalance Western influence and resist external domination. However, the paper notes that this collective approach is often hampered by a lack of political will, the influence of individual leaders, and the persistence of illiberal governance. It also highlights a shift in ideological frameworks, with many African states moving away from state-led development toward market-based systems and increased engagement with global investors, particularly China.

The document examines South Africa's industrial development zones (IDZs), established in 2000, and argues that current incentives are insufficient to attract necessary foreign investment. By comparing South African IDZs with special trade zones in the EU, US, Mercosur, India, and China, the author identifies gaps in regulatory, financial, and fiscal incentives. The paper recommends that the South African government introduce specific IDZ incentives, such as easing labour-market requirements and providing infrastructure and wage subsidies, while expanding the scope of these zones to include trade-related service industries.

The document examines the role of business delegations in South African state visits from 2009 to 2010, highlighting the collaboration between Business Unity South Africa (BUSA) and the Department of Trade and Industry (dti). While these visits facilitate networking and government understanding of private sector needs, they face challenges including lack of dedicated funding, poor strategic planning, and concerns over political representivity. The author recommends a new model with clearer roles, dedicated resources, and pre-visit reconnaissance to maximize economic outcomes.

The report analyzes the sustainability of China's role as a global leader in seafood production and processing, focusing on tilapia, cod, and live reef food fish (LRFF). It identifies critical gaps in traceability, the prevalence of illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing, and the environmental impacts of intensive aquaculture. The document recommends that China establish a national traceability system, adopt international sustainability certifications, and develop a long-term trade policy that aligns with the 12th Five Year Plan's goals for a low-carbon, green economy.

The document argues that increasing South African exports requires a dual focus on increasing the number of exporting firms and the volume each firm exports. It identifies that South African exporters are typically larger, more capital-intensive, and more productive than non-exporters, with a size threshold for successful export entry generally between 50 and 100 employees. High transport costs—specifically road transport and port charges—are cited as significant barriers to international competitiveness. The author recommends reducing these costs, encouraging firm growth to reach the necessary scale, and utilizing export processing zones (EPZs) to trial regulatory relaxations in labour and tax policy.