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In a referendum on April 21, Ecuadorian citizens voted to maintain Article 422 of the 2008 Constitution, which prohibits the use of international arbitration for disputes between Ecuador and foreign investors. This decision follows negative experiences with the ISDS system, including a 2012 ruling requiring payment of over $1.5 billion to Occidental Petroleum, which represented nearly 9% of the country's 2012 annual budget. The document asserts that ISDS mechanisms have historically hindered climate policies and social justice, particularly in the mining, oil, and gas sectors. The referendum result signals that any future investment treaties must provide adequate protection for the environment, local communities, and climate action.

The document outlines five common minimum standards for COFFIS members to ensure transparency and consistency in reporting fossil fuel subsidies. These standards cover the coexistence of various subsidy definitions, a comprehensive definition of fossil fuels (including primary and secondary commodities), the identification of beneficiaries across consumption and production sectors, the requirement for preliminary climate and socio-economic impact assessments, and a commitment to annual inventory updates.

The briefing examines the tense pre-electoral environment in Angola, highlighting accusations of election rigging by the MPLA and the potential for social unrest driven by youth and war veterans. It notes the limited influence of SADC and the muted response of international partners like the US and EU, which are driven by strategic and economic interests, particularly oil. The document also emphasizes the need for Angola to diversify its oil-dependent economy to ensure long-term stability.

The document examines how corruption in the oil, gas, and mining sectors in Africa leads to significant wealth loss through illicit financial flows, tax avoidance, and transfer pricing. It identifies a lack of state capacity, bureaucratic discretion, and political will as primary drivers of these failures. While various international and regional initiatives exist, the author argues they are often ineffective due to low administrative capacity and a focus on 'grand' corruption over systemic issues. The paper highlights Botswana as a successful model of natural resource governance and provides twelve recommendations for technical and institutional capacity building to combat corruption.

The report analyzes the evolution of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) from its inception in 2000 through the 2006 Beijing summit. It argues that FOCAC provides a 'win-win' framework for South-South cooperation, contrasting China's pragmatic, non-interference approach with Western conditional aid. The document details China's economic model, its strategic need for African raw materials (particularly oil), and the specific financial commitments made to African infrastructure, health, and debt relief. It concludes that while China offers significant opportunities for growth, African nations must improve their own governance and strategic coordination to maximize these benefits.

Natural Justice is an African organisation dedicated to social and environmental justice, employing a "Litigation Plus" approach that combines legal empowerment, research, policy influence, and strategic litigation. In 2024, the organisation supported over 30 strategic lawsuits across Africa, including successful challenges against Shell's seismic testing in South Africa and the annulment of an Environmental Impact Assessment for Sosian Energy Ltd in Kenya. The organisation also focuses on securing land tenure, protecting indigenous biocultural heritage in Namibia and Madagascar, and defending environmental defenders, notably supporting 180 activists through an emergency fund, including those protesting the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) in Uganda. Additionally, Natural Justice engages in global policy advocacy at UN biodiversity and climate summits to promote human rights-based approaches to conservation and energy transitions.

Between 2022 and 2024, the African Environmental Defenders Initiative documented 232 non-lethal attacks against environmental defenders, with 67% occurring in East Africa. Uganda was the most affected country, accounting for 42% of cases, largely driven by opposition to the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP). The report identifies government (34%) and multinational/investment companies (20%) as the primary perpetrators. Women defenders face specific gendered threats, including the withholding of sanitary products during detention and social stigmatization. The document also details country-specific conflicts, such as conservation-linked violence in Kenya, industrial mining in the DRC, and illegal logging in Madagascar, while highlighting the role of the African Environmental Defenders Fund in providing emergency legal and psychosocial support.

The authors argue that the EITI lacks a proven Theory of Change, risking obsolescence in some countries. They propose three models—Name-and-Shame, Public Debate, and Technical Reform—and find that while stakeholders prefer the Public Debate model, actual change occurs primarily through Technical Reform. The study emphasizes that ToCs must be dynamic and context-specific to bridge the gap between disclosure and actual accountability.

The document demands that AXA cease providing insurance for new oil and gas projects, divest from unconventional hydrocarbons, and adopt a stricter definition of the Arctic region. It specifically calls for AXA to vote against Total's climate strategy, divest from Fortum due to pro-coal lobbying, and implement an exclusion policy for soy traders linked to deforestation in the Cerrado.

Several NGOs have issued a statement condemning the hostile treatment of local community representatives, including Edwin Gariguez, at the annual general meetings of French banks. The statement highlights that at the BNP Paribas meeting on 16 May 2023, speakers testifying about the impacts of the oil and gas industry were booed, subjected to racist comments from shareholders, and mistreated by security. The signing NGOs call for BNP Paribas to implement measures to ensure respectful debate and to issue an apology to the affected community representatives.

The document provides data on investments and financing from French GFANZ members in fossil fuel expanders. Amundi Asset Management held the highest total investments at US$ 17,006 million, while BNP Paribas provided the highest total financing at US$ 7,096 million.

The Green Swan Toolkit argues that current financial policy frameworks are insufficient to address the "radical uncertainty" of climate change. It advocates for a precautionary approach to risk, the adjustment of Pillar I capital requirements to account for fossil fuel asset stranding, the use of macroprudential systemic risk buffers, and the mandatory integration of 1.5°C-aligned climate criteria into bank financing decisions via Pillar II requirements.

The methodology focuses on five key indicators to evaluate the climate credibility of European oil and gas majors: alignment of decarbonization targets with a 1.5°C carbon budget, reliance on offset mechanisms, asset expansion plans, trends in oil and gas production growth, and the forecasted energy mix for 2030. The analysis employs conservative hypotheses, assuming companies will meet their pledged targets and maintain current market shares in line with the IEA Net Zero scenario to establish a 'low-estimate' of cumulative emissions.

The Russian Fossil Fuel Exclusion List identifies Russian-headquartered companies from the Global Coal Exit List and Global Oil & Gas Exit List, as well as major non-Russian coal and oil and gas companies active in Russia, for the purpose of financial divestment.

The report asserts that new gas exploration, production, and LNG export terminals are incompatible with limiting global warming to 1.5°C. It highlights that existing fossil fuel infrastructure already threatens to exceed remaining carbon budgets and calls for financial institutions to immediately cease funding gas expansion across the entire value chain.

A coalition of climate and accountability organizations argues that Total's climate strategy is insufficient to meet the 1.5°C goal of the Paris Agreement. They highlight that Total's 2030 emissions reduction targets cover only a small fraction of its total emissions and that the company plans to increase energy production to 4Mboe/d by 2030, with gas production potentially increasing by 30%. The authors note that 80% of Total's capex remains assigned to oil and gas, creating a risk of stranded assets. The document specifically criticizes the East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) and Tilenga projects and calls on shareholders to vote against the company's climate resolutions and the leadership of CEO Patrick Pouyanné at the May 28, 2021 Annual General Meeting.

The document examines the rapid growth of Sino-African relations, noting that bilateral trade rose from $2 billion in 1999 to $39.7 billion in 2007. It highlights a shift from aid-driven engagement to commercial dominance, where trade and investment now outpace official development assistance. While the partnership offers opportunities for infrastructure development and poverty reduction, the paper identifies risks including unsustainable debt, the displacement of local industries by cheap Chinese imports, and a lack of transparency in lending. It recommends that African nations improve their business climates, diversify exports to move up the value chain, and implement transparency initiatives to maximize gains from the relationship.

The document analyzes Senegal's macroeconomic trajectory from the 1970s through the COVID-19 pandemic. It highlights how the pandemic caused a significant drop in GDP growth in 2020, severely impacting sectors such as tourism, transport, and agriculture. To counter this, the Senegalese government and the Central Bank of West African States (BCEAO) deployed a combination of stimulus packages, tax rebates, and liquidity measures. These interventions are credited with achieving a 1.3% real GDP growth in 2020, outperforming initial IMF forecasts of -0.4%. The paper also discusses the role of foreign direct investment, the potential of future oil and gas production, and the long-term goals of the Emerging Senegal Plan.

The paper finds that while Uganda has increased its climate ambition in its updated NDC, its actual post-COVID recovery packages have largely ignored green goals in favor of immediate health and economic rescue. It highlights a significant funding gap, where over 70% of NDC implementation costs must come from external sources, and warns that rising public debt may further obstruct climate investment. The authors recommend leveraging green procurement, nature-based solutions, and innovative financing to align economic recovery with the country's transition to a green economy by 2030.

The document describes an optional methodology in LEAP for allocating emissions to the area producing the resource rather than where it is combusted. This approach helps analyze a country's dependence on fossil fuel production and its vulnerability to a global low-carbon transition. Users can specify emission factors via the Resources\Primary branches, using manual entries, mathematical formulae, or links to the Technology and Environmental Database (TED).