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The research finds that phasing out U.S. federal fossil fuel leases could reduce global CO2 emissions by approximately 100 million tonnes per year by 2030. The impact is most immediate for coal, where it could leave 4 billion short tons of coal in the ground by 2040. Oil and gas impacts are more gradual due to longer project lead times, but could eventually leave 7 billion barrels of oil and 30 trillion cubic feet of gas undeveloped by 2040. The study concludes that such supply-side measures are a significant complement to demand-side policies like the Clean Power Plan in meeting Paris Agreement targets.

The Clean Air Task Force asserts that the EPA's Methane Challenge Program, which relies on voluntary industry commitments, cannot achieve the U.S. target of a 40-45% reduction in oil and gas methane emissions by 2025. While 41 companies joined as founding members, the program lacks participation from oil and gas exploration and production companies, which are responsible for 73% of the industry's methane emissions. Although 37 Local Distribution Companies representing nearly 60% of natural gas utility customers are participating, the author maintains that voluntary measures are no substitute for strong, nation-wide regulations of existing pollution sources.

The Obama Administration set a goal to reduce methane emissions from the oil and gas sector by 40-45% from 2012 levels by 2025. While the EPA proposed standards for new and modified sources, it has failed to address existing sources, which a 2014 ICF International study predicts will represent 90% of the sector's total methane emissions in 2018. Analysis by CATF and the Rhodium Group indicates that voluntary industry programs are insufficient to bridge the 'methane emissions gap', as even 100% participation would leave a gap of 54 million metric tons of CO2e. The author asserts that nationwide standards on existing oil and gas equipment would reduce emissions by 77 million metric tons of CO2e, sufficient to meet the Administration's goal.

The report identifies a 'methane emission gap' between the Obama Administration's goal to reduce oil and gas methane pollution by 40–45% from 2012 levels by 2025 and the actual impact of its proposed regulations. It finds that proposed standards primarily target new and modified sources, while existing sources are projected to represent 90% of the sector's total methane emissions in 2018. To close the gap of at least 75 million metric tons CO2e, the report recommends requiring leak detection and repair, non-emitting pneumatic technologies, and the capture of gas from oil wells for existing sources.

The document examines the systemic overlap between political party officials, government officials, and the business sector in Mozambique, a phenomenon termed 'interwovenness'. It argues that the ruling party, Frelimo, has captured state power, leading to a culture of patronage and cronyism where state resources are exploited for party interests. While Mozambique has established various anti-corruption laws and institutions, such as the GCCC and the Law on Public Integrity, the brief contends that these are poorly implemented due to a lack of political will and the influence of Frelimo over the legislature and judiciary. The author highlights specific vulnerabilities in the extractive industries and foreign investment contracts, which are exempt from public procurement transparency rules. The brief recommends that the government publicise extractive industry concessions, that civil society increase its monitoring of business deals, and that the APRM Panel of Eminent Persons push for the domestication of the AU Convention against Corruption.

The document examines how political instability, corruption, and a focus on onshore security led to 'sea blindness' in the Gulf of Guinea, creating a security gap exploited by pirates and transnational criminal networks. It details the region's vast natural resources, including oil, gas, and minerals, and analyzes the shift toward maritime security since 2012. The author evaluates various responses, from national naval upgrades in Nigeria and Ghana to regional frameworks like the Yaoundé Declaration and international support from the EU and UN, concluding that the primary challenge remains translating high-level policy into operational action.

The document analyzes the climate impact of phasing out federal fossil fuel leases in the U.S. It finds that while current policies project an 11% increase in production by 2040, a 2°C pathway requires a 40–60% reduction. Ceasing new federal leases could reduce global CO2 emissions by approximately 100 million tonnes per year by 2030, primarily through reduced coal and offshore oil production.

The document examines the tension between treating fossil fuel suppliers as polluters and recognizing extraction as a sovereign right for development. It argues that meeting Paris Agreement targets requires leaving a majority of proven reserves in the ground, which would disproportionately impact lower-income regions through the loss of significant resource rents.

The document is a declaration calling for the end of fossil fuel exploration and extraction to address the climate crisis and mass extinction. It demands a just transition to a democratized, 100% renewable energy system, the removal of fossil fuel industry influence from policymaking, and the recognition of the rights of Indigenous and frontline communities.

The Clean Air Task Force views the EPA's proposed methane standards for new and modified oil and gas sources as a positive first step but argues they are insufficient to meet national greenhouse gas reduction targets. While praising the direct regulation of methane under the Clean Air Act and the implementation of leak detection and repair (LDAR) requirements, CATF recommends mandating controls for omitted equipment like liquids unloading operations and increasing LDAR inspection frequency. Crucially, the document highlights that the proposal fails to address existing sources, which are projected to account for 90 percent of methane emissions by 2018.

The report analyzes Indonesia's land-use revenue systems, finding that 93.5% of revenue is based on production rather than land size, which fails to disincentivize land expansion. It identifies high-potential areas for reform, including the Land and Building Tax, Forestry Non-Tax Revenue, and the use of Adjustment Funds for earmarking sustainable land use activities. The analysis also highlights how current central-to-regional revenue sharing may perversely encourage local governments to grant more land permits to increase their budgets.

The Clean Air Task Force supports the EPA's first direct regulation of methane in the oil and gas sector but argues that the proposal is insufficient. It recommends expanding the rule to cover liquids unloading, pneumatic controllers, well site compressors, and storage vessels. It further contends that the proposed variable frequency for leak detection and repair (LDAR) is inadequate, advocating instead for a fixed quarterly minimum. Finally, it urges the EPA to use section 111(d) to regulate existing sources, noting that 90 percent of 2018 emissions are expected to come from sources existing in 2011.

The Clean Air Task Force acknowledges the USEPA's 2015 proposal to reduce methane emissions from the oil and gas industry as a significant first step, noting it introduces the first greenhouse gas standards for the sector. However, the authors argue that the proposed rules only reduce 2012 emissions by approximately 7.5% and will not be sufficient to meet the White House goal of a 40-45% reduction by 2025. They emphasize that because existing sites are predicted to represent 90% of the sector's total methane emissions in 2018, the EPA must issue emissions guidelines for existing sources under the Clean Air Act to achieve the necessary reductions.

The Clean Air Task Force reports that over 60 organizations have urged the EPA to implement comprehensive methane standards for new and modified oil and gas equipment. The requests include mandatory leak detection and repair across the entire sector, extending green completions to oil wells with significant gas production, reducing emissions from liquids unloading and pneumatic equipment, and covering the full supply chain including transmission and storage.

The document examines the governance of Ghana's oil discovery at Cape Three Points in 2007, focusing on the intersection of state management and civil society oversight. It details the legal frameworks established to manage revenues, such as the Ghana Stabilization Fund and Ghana Heritage Fund, while highlighting systemic challenges including political patronage, lack of transparency in the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC), and the 'Dutch Disease' affecting non-oil sectors. The authors emphasize that while civil society organizations (CSOs), particularly the Civil Society Platform on Oil and Gas, have influenced policy and monitoring, they are hampered by funding shortages and technical skill gaps. The paper concludes that strengthening state-civil society cooperation is essential to ensure oil wealth supports sustainable national development rather than fueling corruption or instability.

Earthjustice responds to the Obama Administration's goal to reduce oil and gas methane waste by 40 to 45 percent below 2012 levels by 2025. While acknowledging the goal and new equipment standards, Earthjustice argues that the plan's failure to include standards for existing equipment—which are responsible for the majority of pollution—undermines the effort to mitigate the short-term climate impacts of methane.

The report identifies the U.S. oil and gas industry as the largest industrial source of methane and argues that the EPA should issue nationwide standards under the Clean Air Act to target the sector's top emitting sources. The authors propose three primary categories of intervention: regular leak detection and repair (LDAR) programs, the replacement of outdated compressors and pneumatic equipment, and the capture of gas from oil and gas wells. These measures are estimated to reduce annual methane emissions by 3.2 to 3.7 million metric tons, a reduction of 42% to 48% of the sector's total. The report emphasizes that direct methane standards would be significantly more effective than regulating volatile organic compounds (VOCs) or relying on voluntary programs. The estimated cost of these measures is low, ranging from $8 to $18 per metric ton of carbon dioxide equivalent, and would represent less than 1% of the industry's sales revenue.

The SEI Initiative on Fossil Fuels and Climate Change, launched in January 2015, focuses on the supply side of climate policy to prevent the 'lock-in' of fossil fuel dependence. The initiative investigates the emissions implications of infrastructure, the political economy of extraction, and the role of international governance. It employs a multi-disciplinary approach involving energy modelling and political economy analysis, with specific case studies in Colombia, South Africa, Indonesia, Norway, and the U.S. to examine the interplay between resource exploitation and low-carbon development goals.

The document highlights the potency of methane as a climate pollutant and the potential for federal regulations to reduce U.S. natural gas production leaks and venting by up to 50% using existing technologies.

The document highlights the link between oil and gas emissions and ground-level ozone, asserting that methane regulations provide significant co-benefits by reducing VOCs more effectively than direct VOC regulations or previous EPA programs. It notes a high overlap between oil and gas production areas and regions exceeding proposed ozone standards, particularly west of the Mississippi River.