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The European Union is urged to move beyond a "measure first, act later" approach to methane emissions, instead implementing mandatory Leak Detection and Repair (LDAR) and equipment upgrades domestically while using its purchasing power to pressure gas suppliers like Russia and Norway to reduce emissions.

The briefing critiques the European Commission's draft proposal to modernise the Energy Charter Treaty (ECT), asserting that it fails to adequately protect the EU's regulatory autonomy or shield climate policies from investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) challenges. It argues that the proposal maintains an outdated focus on investment protection and lacks binding sustainability mechanisms, a requirement to exhaust local remedies, and a specific carve-out for climate response measures. The author concludes that without fundamental shifts—such as differentiating between low-carbon and carbon-intensive investments and establishing a supremacy clause for environmental obligations—the ECT will continue to create a 'chilling effect' on essential environmental and social regulations.

A group of environmental organizations urges the IMO to maintain its climate ambition despite the COVID-19 pandemic, specifically requesting the use of digital working groups and virtual meetings to ensure short-term GHG measure negotiations and the Initial GHG Strategy goals remain on track.

The report finds that 75% of registered U.S. voters believe global warming is happening, with strong bipartisan support for renewable energy research and the Paris Climate Agreement. However, significant polarization remains regarding the causes of global warming and the Green New Deal, with Democrats viewing climate change as a much higher voting priority than Republicans.

Japan has provided over US$17.5 billion in public finance for 21 GW of coal power abroad since 2013, often justifying this by claiming to support "best available technologies" like ultra-supercritical plants. However, the document asserts that these plants are still too polluting to meet Paris Agreement goals and that Japan's withdrawal would not prevent the use of inferior technologies, as China and South Korea are also major funders. Furthermore, the briefing notes that Japanese-funded overseas projects often use inferior emission controls compared to domestic standards and that coal is increasingly an unsafe investment compared to cheaper solar and wind power.

The document examines the uncertainty surrounding the hosting of COP26 in Glasgow due to COVID-19, noting that while the UK government initially aimed to proceed, the decision involves the UNFCCC. It highlights the impracticality of virtual summits and emphasizes that Paris Agreement obligations for 2020 NDC submissions remain. The author argues that post-pandemic economic recovery packages must avoid high-carbon industries and instead invest in low-carbon infrastructure to avoid repeating the missed opportunities of the 2008 financial crisis.

The document examines how COVID-19 exposes weaknesses in global institutions and threatens Africa through economic shocks, reduced development aid, and a retreat from multilateralism. It highlights the risk of increased trade protectionism and the potential for climate goals to be sidelined. The author advocates for the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the creation of a continental climate finance fund, and a proactive African role in reforming global governance to mitigate these risks.

Reclaim Finance argues that Barclays' new fossil fuel policy is inadequate, citing weak exclusion thresholds for coal, flawed metrics for measuring coal exposure, and limited restrictions on oil and gas projects, particularly in the US and Argentina.

Reclaim Finance argues that Barclays' new fossil fuel policies are inadequate, citing the bank's use of revenue-based rather than capacity-based metrics for coal exclusion and its failure to ban hydraulic fracturing outside Europe and the UK.

The World Resources Institute criticizes Japan's decision to maintain its 2030 emissions reduction target of 26% from 2013 levels, stating the plan is 'no stronger than the one it submitted five years ago'. The author contends that Japan could strengthen its target to 42% using affordable low-carbon technologies and warns of financial risks from stranded fossil fuel assets. The document recommends that Japan increase its renewable energy target to 50% of the electricity mix by 2030, phase out domestic coal and overseas coal finance, and end fossil fuel subsidies.

The author contends that the rapid global response to COVID-19 demonstrates the capacity for decisive action, which should now be applied to the climate crisis. The document advocates for aligning government stimulus spending with the Paris Agreement goals of limiting warming to 1.5C and reaching net-zero emissions by 2050. It suggests that screening stimulus investments through a climate lens can accelerate zero-carbon solutions in power, transport, and infrastructure, potentially creating a $26 trillion growth opportunity and 65 million new jobs by 2030.

By the end of 2019, financial institutions managing $17.2 trillion committed to aligning portfolios with Paris Agreement goals. This brief addresses the challenges of meeting these objectives by outlining five common barriers and advocating for a sector-by-sector approach to achieve climate alignment efficiently.

Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs) have established a framework for Paris alignment but face criticism for slow implementation timelines, vague mitigation criteria, and insufficient guidance on adaptation and resilience. The authors argue that MDBs must set firm dates for ending unaligned financing, publish clear positive and negative investment lists based on science, and adopt standardized reporting metrics to ensure transparency and effectiveness.

The author contends that the EU's current trade policy is characterized by an 'inertia' that prioritizes unconditional liberalization over environmental and social goals. While the EU aims for carbon neutrality via the Green Deal, its trade framework continues to promote 'new generation' bilateral agreements that limit state sovereignty through investor-state dispute settlements and 'living agreements' that bypass democratic control. The text argues that the EU remains a net importer of carbon, with one-third of its footprint stemming from imports, and calls for a shift toward trade regulation that conditions market access on the achievement of environmental and social objectives.

A group of European investors warns Fortum that its support for the Datteln 4 coal plant in Germany and Uniper's legal threats against the Dutch government are misaligned with the Paris Agreement and expose the company to significant market and litigation risks. The investors highlight that 79% of EU coal capacity is already loss-making and urge Fortum to commit to a net-zero emissions trajectory by 2050.

The report examines the Mongolian electricity sector's transition toward the Paris Agreement goals and the public health costs of coal power. It highlights that planned coal capacity expansions, particularly the Shivee Ovoo plant, would significantly increase premature deaths and years of life lost by 2050, while noting that Mongolia requires international financial and technical support to implement renewable energy and decouple heat and electricity supply.

The document calls for an immediate end to financial support for fossil fuel expansion to meet the 1.5°C climate goal. It criticizes financial institutions for insufficient exclusion policies and highlights the danger of non-conventional hydrocarbons and the continued expansion plans of oil and gas majors.

The text calls for political ecology parties to move beyond niche politics and 'green growth' to lead a systemic overhaul of production and consumption. It identifies three primary challenges for progressive green parties: avoiding dilution while leaving opposition roles, building a broad popular base to counter far-right narratives, and creating an inclusive narrative of progress based on non-material abundance. The author critiques the European Green Deal as 'greenwashing' and advocates for Europe as the primary framework for implementing a project of reconciliation and cooperation, provided it moves beyond current institutional agendas.

In 2019, global coal-fired electricity generation fell by 3%, contributing to a 2% decrease in power sector CO2 emissions, the largest declines since 1990. While coal collapsed in the EU and US, generation rose in China, which now accounts for half of global coal generation. Wind and solar generation grew by 15% in 2019, reaching 8% of the world's electricity, meeting the annual growth rate required by the Paris climate agreement. However, the document notes that the US transition is partly a switch to gas, whereas the EU is moving directly from coal to renewables.

The letter argues that the financial system currently supports emissions leading to warming exceeding 4C, posing catastrophic risks to banks and insurers. While acknowledging the Bank of England's existing work on climate risk stress tests and disclosures, the signatories assert these measures are insufficient due to short time horizons and methodological limitations. They propose three specific actions: making climate-related disclosures mandatory, excluding fossil fuel assets (starting with coal) from future bond purchases and collateral frameworks, and adjusting the macroprudential framework to increase capital requirements for high-carbon loans.