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The document advocates for a global carbon budget distributed according to historical responsibility, capacity, and the right to sustainable societies. It asserts that developed countries owe a climate debt to developing nations and must provide funding and technology without intellectual property restrictions. It calls for a systemic shift away from neoliberalism and fossil fuels toward community-owned renewable energy and agroecology to limit global warming to 1.5°C.

The fact sheet critiques the INDC process, noting that many developed nations have submitted insufficient commitments that focus solely on mitigation while ignoring adaptation and historical responsibility. It argues that allowing countries to self-determine their contributions risks a global temperature increase of 4 to 6°C. As an alternative, it advocates for a 'fair share' system where a global carbon budget is allocated based on responsibility, capacity, and the right to sustainable societies, supporting a broader energy revolution focused on justice and community-owned renewables.

The document defines climate equity as the fair sharing of the global carbon budget, emphasizing that developed countries bear a 'historical responsibility' due to their past emissions and resource exploitation. It advocates for limiting global temperature rise to 1.5°C, which requires an immediate revolution in energy, food, and transport systems. The text calls for a 'system change' over mere climate change, proposing a transition away from neoliberalism and fossil fuels toward community-controlled renewable energy and agroecology, while urging the UN to enforce equitable responsibility among nations.

The document critiques the INDC process, noting that current commitments from developed nations are inadequate and often ignore adaptation, finance, and loss and damage. It argues that allowing countries to self-determine their contributions cannot guarantee the global effort needed to limit warming to 1.5°C. Instead, it proposes a "fair shares" approach, which involves establishing a global carbon budget and dividing it among countries based on their historical responsibility, capacity, and right to a sustainable society.

The document argues that climate equity requires developed nations to take the lead in reducing emissions and providing financial and technological support to developing nations due to their historical responsibility. It advocates for limiting global temperature rise to 1.5°C through a carbon budget based on responsibility, capacity, and the right to sustainable societies. The text calls for a systemic economic transformation away from neoliberalism and fossil fuels toward community-led renewable energy and agroecology.

The report analyzes social protection as a tool for climate resilience, highlighting its ability to provide shock-responsive support, facilitate sustainable natural resource management, and cushion the impacts of low-carbon transitions. It identifies a gap in long-term structural adaptation and notes that while multilateral climate funds are increasingly engaging with social protection, integration remains fragmented and often prioritizes project-based interventions over systemic strengthening.

Between August 2021 and July 2022, the Green Climate Fund (GCF) approved USD 1.69 billion for 19 new projects, bringing its total approved funding to USD 10.4 billion across 196 projects. The Fund updated key policies, including the Private Sector Strategy and the Simplified Approval Process, and launched the GCF-2 replenishment process. Significant efforts were made to support vulnerable regions, with 65% of adaptation funding in grant equivalent terms allocated to LDCs, SIDS, and African States. The GCF also expanded its network of accredited entities and continued its Independent Evaluation Unit's assessments of portfolio effectiveness.

The COP30 Resilience Hub Report details the outcomes of the climate summit in Belém, Brazil, highlighting a mix of incremental progress and persistent gaps in adaptation finance and implementation. Key achievements include the adoption of 59 indicators for the Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA), a political commitment to triple adaptation finance by 2035, and the establishment of a Global Just Transition Mechanism. The report also showcases Peru's national resilience model, which integrates Indigenous governance and a comprehensive 'Country Package for forests and nature'. However, it notes significant misalignments between short-term political/financial cycles and long-term climate risks, and emphasizes that less than 1% of climate finance currently reaches Indigenous peoples and local communities.

The statement by Global Witness advocates for climate reparations to address historical injustices and the disproportionate impact of climate change on low-income countries. It distinguishes climate reparations, which include liability for past harm, from 'loss and damage' compensation, which focuses on current unavoidable impacts. The text highlights the vulnerability of 3.6 billion people and the debt burden on countries like Mozambique, urging COP27 negotiators to establish a transparent fund financed by heavy polluters and to provide grants and debt forgiveness instead of loans.

Global Witness characterizes COP27 as a failure, primarily because world leaders did not agree to phase out fossil fuels despite the presence of 636 fossil fuel lobbyists. While the organization acknowledges the historic adoption of a loss and damage fund and the inclusion of the right to a healthy environment in the cover decision, it criticizes the lack of tangible progress on deforestation and the failure to specifically acknowledge the contributions of land and environmental defenders.

Key messages delivered by Kishan Khoday of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) at the UWI Regional Conference on Resilience to Hurricanes in the Caribbean on 2 October 2024, outlining UNDP's regional climate action, specific country initiatives, and future priorities for resilient development.

The report examines how National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) are used by developing countries to identify, communicate, and minimize loss and damage, noting that nearly half of these plans explicitly reference the concept.

The report traces the history of international climate policy, highlighting the shift from the 'top-down' prescriptive approach of the Kyoto Protocol to the 'bottom-up' voluntary system of the Paris Agreement. It examines the central role of the 'common but differentiated responsibilities' (CBDR) principle and the challenges of ensuring the participation of major emitters while maintaining equity for developing nations. The text concludes that while the regime has grown in complexity and universality, current collective emission reduction promises remain insufficient to limit global warming to 1.5°C or 2°C.

The document serves as a practical handbook for climate negotiators, particularly those from the Global South who may lack institutional support. It covers the scientific basis of climate change, the evolution of the international regime from the 1992 UNFCCC to the Paris Agreement, and the procedural rules of the COP. A significant portion of the guide is dedicated to negotiation theory, offering strategies for 'disadvantaged' negotiators to overcome resource gaps and power imbalances through coalition building, integrative negotiation techniques, and precise drafting skills.

The document serves as a survival manual for climate negotiators, particularly those from the Global South. It details the scientific basis of climate change, the evolution of the international regime from the 1992 UNFCCC to the Paris Agreement, and the operational mechanics of the COP. It provides practical advice on navigating formal and informal negotiation spaces, managing the challenges of 'hollow mandates,' and utilizing coalitions like the G-77 and China to increase bargaining power.

The document serves as a survival guide for climate change negotiators, detailing the scientific basis of the climate crisis, the evolution of the international regime from the 1992 UNFCCC to the Paris Agreement, and the formal and informal structures of the UN process. It specifically addresses the structural disadvantages faced by negotiators from developing countries, such as 'hollow mandates' and limited coalition-forming power, and offers practical strategies for drafting, bargaining, and coping with the pressures of high-stakes diplomacy.

The report identifies a resurgence of outright climate denial and the rise of 'culture war' narratives used to delay climate action. It highlights systemic greenwashing by fossil fuel entities on Meta and the algorithmic amplification of the #ClimateScam hashtag on Twitter. The analysis reveals that climate misinformation is increasingly integrated into broader 'anti-woke' and conspiratorial communities, with a small number of high-influence actors driving a significant portion of the engagement.

The document argues that NAP processes are central to minimizing loss and damage through adaptation and can inform the operationalization of loss and damage funding. It highlights that NAPs contain country-specific data on vulnerabilities, risks, and adaptation limits, while providing statistics on how frequently specific loss and damage concepts—such as slow-onset events, non-economic losses, and human mobility—appear in these plans.

The Declaration of the African Caravans for Climate Justice argues that colonialism is a primary driver of climate change and calls for a transition from debt-based climate finance to grants. It demands that wealthy nations meet the $100 billion annual pledge, establish a dedicated loss and damage financing mechanism, and halt new investments in fossil fuels and nuclear power. The document emphasizes the need for peasant agroecology, community land security, and the meaningful inclusion of women and youth in climate governance.

The Climate Justice Movement (CJM) in Kenya is a decentralized coalition of civil society, grassroots organizations, and indigenous groups working to address unequal climate impacts. While the movement has successfully influenced policy and established a strong grassroots presence, it faces challenges including internal leadership disputes, limited funding, and coordination gaps. The study highlights the importance of the Financing Locally Led Climate Action (FLLoCA) program and the need for better gender mainstreaming and technical capacity building to ensure equitable climate action.