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The document argues for a broad interpretation of Just Transitions that encompasses procedural and distributional justice across multiple sectors, moving beyond a narrow focus on the energy workforce. It provides six practical recommendations for operationalisation, including the need for reliable data, stakeholder forums, and place-based solutions. The submission highlights specific challenges in the Global South, such as high employment informality and unequal energy access, and suggests that the JTWP can enhance ambition by integrating Just Transitions into NDCs and fostering high-level political buy-in. It includes case studies from various countries to illustrate different transition pathways and the importance of coordinating top-down and bottom-up approaches.

The first week of COP30 was characterized by significant friction between developed and developing nations over finance, trade measures, and the 1.5C temperature goal. While some progress was made in operationalizing the Fund for Responding to Loss and Damage and advancing Article 6 carbon market standards, negotiations on the Just Transition Work Programme and the Gender Action Plan stalled due to disagreements over terminology and the role of unilateral trade measures. The Brazilian Presidency launched the Belem Health Action Plan and proposed a framework for synergies between the three Rio Conventions, though many thematic areas remain bracketed heading into the second week.

The COP30 Week 2 debrief details the adoption of the 'Global Mutirão' cover decision, which calls for tripling adaptation finance by 2035 but omits references to fossil fuels and deforestation. Key outcomes include the recommendation for a Just Transition mechanism (BAM) to be operationalized in 2026, the transfer of $26.8 million to the Article 6.4 PACM, and the adoption of the Belém Gender Action Plan. However, significant tensions persisted regarding unilateral trade measures, the 1.5°C temperature goal, and the lack of concrete targets in climate finance and the Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA).

The document outlines the structure of COP28, including its constituent meetings (COP28, CMA5, CMP18, SBI 59, and SBSTA 59) and the three main goals of the Paris Agreement: limiting temperature rise to 1.5°C, adapting to climate change, and aligning finance flows. It details the thematic program from November 30 to December 12, 2023, the role of the Youth Climate Champion, and the significance of the first-ever Global Stocktake, which found the world is far from achieving Paris Agreement goals. The text also describes the distinction between the Blue Zone for negotiations and the Green Zone for public engagement.

The document provides a detailed analysis of the second week of COP28, highlighting the adoption of the first Global Stocktake (GST) and its call to 'transition away from fossil fuels'. It examines progress and failures across several domains, including the operationalization of the Loss and Damage Fund, the tripling of renewable energy targets, and the lack of binding language in mitigation and adaptation goals. The report also notes the influence of fossil fuel lobbyists and the marginalization of Small Island Developing States and gender-specific concerns during the final decision-making processes.

The document describes the Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP), established at COP27, as a people-centred approach to climate action aimed at reducing inequality while building climate resilience. It highlights that while COP28's Global Stocktake emphasised a "swift, just, and equitable transition," specific details on fund mobilisation for Loss & Damage remained unaddressed. The SB60 conference is set to host the first dialogue under the UAE JTWP to identify pathways for the Paris Agreement via national adaptation plans and low-emission strategies. Further detailed discussions on policy commitments, financial reform, and the integration of just transition principles into Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) are deferred to COP29.

The document outlines the evolution of the Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP) from its establishment at COP27 through the outcomes of COP30 in Belém. It highlights the transition from a period of gridlock to the adoption of a decision to create a new Just Transition mechanism, while noting the exclusion of unilateral trade measures and the inclusion of references to the 1.5ºC temperature goal. The briefing concludes with a timeline for the development of the mechanism's draft decision at SB64 in June 2026 and its formal adoption at COP31.

Negotiations on the Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP) failed to reach a final decision text at SB62 due to disagreements over unilateral trade measures, the responsibility for implementing temperature goals, and the specific temperature targets of the Paris Agreement. An informal note was submitted instead, with work continuing at SB63 in November. Parties agreed that the final text must include reports from ongoing social dialogues, using placeholders in the interim. The LMDC and Arab Group advocate for referencing harm from unilateral trade measures and a broader range of Paris Agreement temperature goals, while the European Union opposes these references and emphasizes the 1.5 °C goal.

The document outlines a youth manifesto for COP30, demanding structural inclusion in climate negotiations, the removal of financial and logistical barriers for youth from the Global South, and the integration of intergenerational equity and climate justice into official outcomes.

Carbon Market Watch outlines ten key elements for effective carbon pricing, arguing that such systems must be integrated into a broader policy mix, utilize absolute declining caps, and eliminate free allocations and offsets. The briefing emphasizes the need for transparency, the reinvestment of revenues into climate action and vulnerable communities, and the use of carbon border levies to prevent leakage without protecting polluting industries. It concludes that carbon pricing is a tool to be used alongside regulations and democratic engagement, rather than a standalone solution for decarbonization.

The report argues that carbon pricing is a vital but insufficient tool for climate action and must be integrated into a broader policy mix. It advocates for absolute emission caps, the elimination of free allowances, and the reinvestment of revenues into public climate benefits. The document strongly warns against the use of carbon offsets and credits, which it claims undermine environmental integrity and allow polluters to avoid real reductions. It also addresses the 'carbon leakage' myth, suggesting that the risks are often overestimated and used to justify policies that lock in polluting industries.

The Human Rights and Climate Change Working Group and associated organisations call on EU leadership to champion human rights within the Paris Agreement. They argue that climate change disproportionately affects vulnerable populations and that climate actions themselves can cause human rights abuses without safeguards. The letter specifically requests support for an amended Article 2(2) of the draft text to recognise the protection of human rights, indigenous peoples' rights, gender equality, and a just transition for the workforce.

The report by Carbon Market Watch outlines a framework for 'carbon pricing done right,' arguing that such systems must be integrated into broader policy packages and based on strict emission caps to be effective. It emphasizes the 'polluter pays principle,' warning against free allocations and offsets, which it claims can weaken price signals and lead to greenwashing. The document advocates for transparency, the reinvestment of revenues into climate action and vulnerable communities, and a cautious approach to carbon leakage and border adjustment mechanisms to avoid protectionism while ensuring climate justice.

The Social Climate Fund (SCF) is an EU initiative designed to mitigate the social impacts of the new Emissions Trading System (ETS2), which applies carbon pricing to fuels used in buildings and road transport. Operating from 2026 to 2032, the fund will provide approximately €86.7 billion in targeted support for lower-income groups and micro-enterprises. Member states must submit Social Climate Plans (SCPs) by June 2025 to access funding, which is allocated based on need. While the SCF supports investments in energy-saving renovations and zero-emission transport, it is limited to alleviating new poverty risks and is deemed insufficient to address the root causes of existing energy and transport poverty in Europe. The document recommends increasing available funds, avoiding fossil fuel lock-in by prohibiting 'low-emission' fossil-based investments, and ensuring earlier fund availability through loans.

The report by Carbon Market Watch provides a framework for implementing 'right' carbon pricing, arguing that such systems must be integrated into a broader policy mix, feature declining emission caps, and avoid loopholes like free allocations and carbon offsets. It emphasizes the need for transparency, the reinvestment of revenues into climate action and vulnerable communities, and the use of carbon border adjustments to prevent leakage while maintaining equity.

The document explains the EU's 2030 climate and energy framework, focusing on the EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) and the Climate Action Regulation (CAR). It details the requirements for Member States to develop National Energy and Climate Plans (NECPs) and identifies 'loopholes' in the CAR that may delay climate action. The guide recommends that civil society engage in the NECP process to push for the phase-out of free emission allowances, the introduction of carbon floor prices, and the avoidance of flexibility mechanisms that undermine net-zero transitions.

The document argues against a proposed one-year postponement of ETS2, stating it would delay climate action and cost Member States €50 billion in lost auction revenues. The signatories call for the Social Climate Fund to begin in full-size in 2026, the application of its spending principles to the Frontloading Facility, and the submission of ambitious Social Climate Plans by Member States, specifically mentioning Denmark, France, and Germany. They further propose uncapping the fund, linking it to actual carbon revenues, and extending it beyond 2032 to support vulnerable households and micro-enterprises.

An open letter calling for a transformative Social Climate Fund (SCF) to address energy poverty and climate goals in Europe, arguing that the fund must have a flexible, non-capped budget linked to ETS revenues and carbon prices to ensure a just transition.

Carbon Market Watch proposes a comprehensive strengthening of the EU ETS, including increasing the Linear Reduction Factor to reach zero emissions by 2040 and increasing the Market Stability Reserve intake rate to 36% from 2024. The organization advocates for the full auctioning of emission allowances, earmarking 100% of revenues for climate action, and extending the system to include international maritime transport and waste incineration. Conversely, it argues against including road transport and buildings in the ETS and opposes the inclusion of Carbon Dioxide Removal (CDR) credits.

The document argues that philanthropic funding for climate change is severely underfunded and misaligned with scientific needs. It provides a framework for grantmakers to elevate climate as a key award criterion, integrate climate justice into administration, align endowments with climate goals, and foster organizational education to accelerate the transition to a sustainable future.