Search Climate Insights Directory

The DMRE has slowed South Africa's just energy transition due to an institutional self-perception as a protector against 'imperialist' Western impositions and a desire to protect the livelihoods of miners and emerging black mining industrialists. The document highlights internal contradictions, such as the DMRE managing environmental regulations for the same mining activities it licenses, and a lack of transparency regarding mine closure plans. It recommends utilizing existing policy tools like the Integrated Resource Plan, increasing accountability, and acknowledges the recent split of the DMRE into the Department of Mineral Resources and Petroleum (DMRP) and the Department of Electricity and Energy (DEE) as a necessary step to resolve conflicts of interest.

The report establishes a comprehensive framework for banks, investors, and insurers to create climate transition plans aligned with the 1.5°C goal. It details requirements for decarbonization targets, action plans, and engagement strategies, while providing 'red flag' indicators to identify greenwashing. The authors argue that current regulations are too vague and call for mandatory, standardized plans that include an immediate end to financing new fossil fuel production.

The 2024 Scorecard by Insure Our Future argues that the global insurance industry is in a 'vicious cycle,' where it continues to underwrite fossil fuel expansion while simultaneously withdrawing coverage from communities facing the resulting climate risks. Using climate attribution science, the report estimates that over one-third of weather-related insured losses between 2002 and 2022—approximately $600 billion—are attributable to human-caused climate change. The analysis reveals a stark mismatch in underwriting, with renewable energy premiums representing less than 30% of the size of the fossil fuel insurance market in 2023. For 15 of the 28 major property and casualty insurers analyzed, estimated climate-attributable losses exceeded the premiums they collected from fossil fuel clients. While Generali is noted as the first insurer to restrict oil and gas expansion across the entire value chain, the report concludes that voluntary corporate leadership has stalled, necessitating urgent regulatory intervention to mandate 1.5°C-aligned transition plans and higher capital requirements for fossil fuel exposure.

The document analyzes how Colombia and Nigeria employ narratives of development, energy security, and energy transition to justify oil and gas production, arguing that these stories often rely on inaccurate or outdated premises that entrench carbon dependency. It suggests that civil society and researchers can counter these narratives by demanding transparency, challenging flawed evidence, and promoting science-based alternatives for a just transition.

The document examines the expansion of non-conventional hydrocarbon production in the Vaca Muerta region of Argentina, highlighting significant risks to water sources and public health. Using the OBSERVAR spatial data platform, the authors identify thousands of wells in high-risk proximity to communities and water bodies, while noting a critical lack of transparent data on wastewater management. The brief argues that current provincial regulations in Neuquén and Río Negro are insufficient or inconsistently enforced and recommends a watershed-based governance approach, the creation of buffer zones, and mandatory reviews of older conventional wells before new fracking permits are issued.

The policy brief argues that CARICOM lacks a cohesive trade strategy aligned with the global 'Sustainability and Inclusiveness' (S&I) agenda. It analyzes the region's economic vulnerabilities—including small market size, dependence on fossil fuels, and climate risk—and evaluates existing trade agreements like the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas and the CARIFORUM-EU EPA. The authors recommend a regional approach that integrates trade with policies on energy, climate change, the blue economy, and food security, while increasing the participation of non-traditional stakeholders such as MSMEs and civil society.

The text asserts that the green energy transition is currently acting as a vehicle for "colonialismo verde" (green colonialism), where indigenous territories are exploited without proper consent. It highlights that failing to protect indigenous rights creates strategic risks for governments and industries, citing legal challenges to wind energy in Sweden and the negative impacts of the Belo Monte hydroelectric project in Brazil. The author calls on G20 leaders to move beyond the T20 Communiqué's recommendations by reforming land-use laws, addressing power asymmetries through dedicated funding, and recognizing indigenous leadership in defining a just transition.

The We Mean Business Coalition urges G20 leaders to lead the global response to the climate crisis by delivering on COP28 agreements, specifically through the submission of sector-specific, 1.5°C-aligned NDCs and the mobilization of climate finance to catalyze private investment in developing economies.

The fact sheet proposes a Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) as a tool to support South Africa's Just Energy Transition (JET). It argues that while the shift to renewables is necessary for climate goals, it threatens coal-dependent industries and communities. A UBIG would provide a non-conditional financial safety net to cushion economic shocks, build resilience against climate crises, and ensure that the risks and benefits of the energy transition are redistributed equitably, particularly for vulnerable groups like informal workers and caregivers.

The Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) and McKinsey have proposed using 'transition credits' (carbon offsets) to attract finance for the early retirement of coal plants in Asia. Reclaim Finance argues that this approach replicates the failures of the broader offset industry, specifically regarding the inability to prove 'additionality' and the risk of inflated emission reduction estimates. The document asserts that offsets create perverse incentives that may deter governments from enacting national coal phaseout policies or providing concessional finance. It concludes that a successful transition requires increased public concessional funding and accelerated investment in sustainable power alternatives rather than a reliance on tradeable offsets.

The Oil & Gas Decarbonization Charter, launched at COP28 by 50 companies, is criticized for focusing on upstream operational emissions while ignoring the larger impact of burning produced fuels. Analysis shows that between January and September 2024, Charter members approved 68 new oil and gas fields containing 14 billion barrels of oil equivalent, which could release nearly 5 billion metric tonnes of CO2. Ten companies, including ADNOC, Saudi Aramco, Petrobras, TotalEnergies, and Shell, are responsible for over 90 percent of these new reserves. These projects represent a commitment of nearly USD 250 billion in expenditure. While the IEA's 1.5ºC pathway requires global production to decline by nearly 20 percent by 2030, Charter companies are projected to increase their production by 17 percent by 2030.

The paper explores the intersection of gender inequality and climate change, particularly in Africa, highlighting how women are disproportionately affected by climate-related displacement, food insecurity, and energy poverty. It details structural barriers in employment, land ownership, and political representation that limit women's adaptive capacity. The document reviews international frameworks like the Paris Agreement and the Lima Work Programme on Gender, and calls for COP29 to prioritize honoring financial pledges, increasing women's access to clean energy, and investing in gender-disaggregated data to ensure a just social order.

A global network of women leaders from business, politics, and civil society urges world leaders to accelerate carbon pollution reduction. They demand that by 2025, governments increase NDC ambition to align with the 1.5°C limit, phase out fossil fuels, triple renewables, double energy efficiency, halt deforestation, and mobilize public and private finance, particularly for the Global South.

The document argues that Asia can achieve a more rapid coal phase-out by stopping the construction of new plants, which would allow 90% of the existing fleet to exceed their 20-year investment recovery period by 2040. It critiques co-firing with ammonia or biomass as expensive and marginally effective, while highlighting successful financing models from IEEFA and the Griffith Asia Institute that make early retirement financially viable through renewables bundling and refinancing. The briefing emphasizes that a just transition requires concessional and multilateral financing from developed nations to support coal-dependent communities.

Climate justice activist Joshua Omonuk, representing the Agape Earth Coalition, calls for a fundamental shift in how climate adaptation finance is delivered to Africa. Highlighting that Africa receives only about 2% of total global climate funds, the author demands that COP29 establish a fairer system characterized by direct access for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS), a preference for grants over loans to avoid debt, and increased accountability for private sector polluters. The document also details a European tour conducted by the coalition to build political alliances with MEPs and NGOs to amplify these demands ahead of the summit.

The Sherco coal plant in Minnesota transitioned to a clean energy hub by replacing retired capacity with 710 MW of solar and a 10 MW/1,000 MWh iron-air battery system. This transition was enabled by Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) incentives, the use of a 'generator replacement' process to bypass interconnection queues, and early community and labor engagement. The project serves as a model for 'clean repowering,' which RMI estimates could deploy 250 GW of clean energy and save ratepayers $12 billion nationwide.

A coalition of climate, environmental, and faith-based organizations is calling on the Biden Administration to support a New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) of at least $1 trillion USD per year for developing countries. The group argues that this funding should be primarily grant-based to avoid increasing debt in low-income nations and should cover mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage. They suggest funding these goals through innovative sources like taxes on polluting companies' excess profits and reforming the international multilateral finance architecture, including the use of IMF Special Drawing Rights.

The document argues that the EU's Circular Material Use Rate has stagnated, increasing only from 10.7% in 2010 to 11.5% in 2022, necessitating a shift from waste management to direct resource-use reduction. It calls for the appointment of a dedicated European Commissioner for Circular Economy to oversee binding resource-use targets, fiscal shifts from labour to raw material extraction, and the integration of circular criteria into trade policies like the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism. The authors advocate for a 'Circular Single Market' to reduce geopolitical vulnerabilities and dependence on primary materials, alongside strengthened Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) frameworks and the use of public procurement as an accelerator for circularity. Additionally, the letter emphasizes the role of local and regional authorities, who are responsible for over 70% of Green Deal implementation, and the need to align funding with the top tiers of the waste hierarchy: prevention, re-use, and recycling.

The document argues that the Chair's third non-paper provides an adequate structure for negotiations at INC-5 but would result in an 'ineffective and useless treaty' if not significantly strengthened. CIEL advocates for replacing voluntary language with legally binding obligations, establishing a dedicated financial mechanism based on the polluter pays principle, and implementing global phase-outs of chemicals of concern. Key recommendations include introducing a freeze on new polymer production capacity, making national plans mandatory, and adopting a qualified majority voting system for the Conference of the Parties to prevent decision-making paralysis.

The document synthesizes two primary negotiating texts for a future global plastics treaty, highlighting critical gaps in the Chair's third Non-Paper compared to the Compilation draft. It details proposed articles on the full lifecycle of plastics, including primary polymer production, chemicals of concern, product design, waste management, and a just transition for waste pickers. The synthesis includes various options for mandatory and voluntary obligations, financial mechanisms, and the establishment of a governing body and subsidiary organs to end plastic pollution by 2040.