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The document argues for a legally binding international treaty to end the impunity of transnational corporations (TNCs) regarding human rights violations. It proposes the creation of an International Tribunal on Transnational Corporations and Human Rights to counter the 'architecture of impunity' created by private arbitration systems like ICSID. The proposals emphasize the extraterritorial obligations of home states, joint and several liability across corporate value chains, and the need to reform International Financial Institutions (IFIs) like the IMF and World Bank. It further advocates for the supremacy of human rights over investment treaties and the establishment of accessible, free legal remedies for affected communities.

The document argues for a legally binding international treaty to end the impunity of transnational corporations (TNCs) and dismantle their systemic power. It proposes the creation of an international tribunal for TNCs and human rights, the establishment of joint and several liability across corporate value chains, and the reform of international financial institutions and trade regimes to prioritize human rights over investor profits. The text emphasizes the need for extraterritorial obligations for home states and the guarantee of free, collective, and swift legal recourse for affected communities.

The document analyzes the evolution of South Africa's foreign economic policy since 1994, noting a shift from a normative, idealistic approach toward a strategy focused on non-Western relations and economic diplomacy. It identifies three main pillars of engagement: the WTO, the G-20, and BRICS. While South Africa uses these platforms to advocate for developing countries and African interests, the authors argue that the country lacks a clearly defined economic diplomacy strategy grounded in its domestic development framework. The brief highlights the BRICS New Development Bank as a key tool for African infrastructure and suggests that South Africa must improve institutional coordination and business collaboration to maximize the benefits of its international engagements.

The document argues that while the G-20 provides a more inclusive framework for global economic governance than the G-8, BRICS cooperation within it remains issue-based rather than institutionalized due to diverging national interests. It highlights that Brazil and South Africa share a reliance on soft power and a desire for institutional reform, which strengthens their bilateral alignment. The author identifies two primary areas for BRICS consensus in the G-20: the reform of international financial institutions like the IMF and a shift toward developmental issues. While the BRICS have successfully influenced the G-20 agenda and blocked certain industrialized-nation proposals, they struggle to speak with a single voice on trade and monetary policy.

The authors express concern that allowing the World Bank's General Counsel to opine on specific Inspection Panel recommendations undermines the Panel's independence and creates a conflict of interest, as the General Counsel's office also supports Bank Management.

The document argues that IFIs, as subjects of international law, are bound by human rights obligations regardless of whether their charters explicitly mention them. It asserts that member States cannot escape responsibility for human rights violations resulting from IFI projects, even when acting through IFI decision-making bodies. The analysis concludes that IFI internal safeguard and accountability mechanisms are not equivalent to universal or regional human rights protections, and suggests that the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has the mandate to engage IFIs operating in the Americas.

The document argues that the combined influence of International Financial Institutions (IFIs), Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs), and the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) creates a mechanism that forces developing nations toward the privatization of water services. It asserts that while privatization is presented as a universal solution for water scarcity, it often fails the poor and marginalized, as seen in South Africa and Bolivia. The text emphasizes that access to water is a fundamental human right, and that international legal frameworks can 'trap' governments by making liberalization irreversible and exposing them to costly international arbitration (such as through ICSID) if they attempt to re-regulate or reverse privatization to protect public health and human rights.

The document argues that the proposed institutional framework for sustainable development must better integrate human rights, reform international economic governance, and establish robust monitoring mechanisms for 'type 2' partnerships. CIEL suggests upgrading the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) to a specialized agency and creating a unified framework for the secretariats of major environmental conventions to improve policy coordination. The statement emphasizes the need for integrated assessments of the impacts of trade liberalization and structural adjustment programs on sustainable development at global, regional, national, and local levels.

The report finds that while most International Financial Institutions (IFIs) commit to gender equality, their actual policies are often weak, understaffed, and poorly resourced. The African Development Bank and Asian Development Bank are identified as having the most receptive accountability mechanisms for gender-related complaints, whereas the IMF, EIB, and EBRD are noted for significant gaps in both policy and redress options.

The authors argue that International Financial Institutions (IFIs), such as the IMF and World Bank, exercise extraordinary leverage in post-conflict states to impose neoliberal reforms that often exacerbate gendered insecurity. By introducing the concept of 'gendered circuits of violence,' the paper demonstrates how macroeconomic policies—including austerity, debt-based financialization, and extractive resource economics—disproportionately burden women and marginalized groups. The text highlights that while IFIs have adopted the rhetoric of gender equality as 'smart economics,' these efforts are often superficial and fail to address the material realities of unpaid care work and structural violence. Case studies from Ukraine, East Timor, and the Western Balkans illustrate how IFI-mandated reforms can lead to increased household debt, the erosion of social welfare, and even the incitement of physical violence against women.

The report argues that for climate finance to be effective and legitimate, there must be a redistribution of power from traditional contributor countries to recipient countries, enhancing national ownership. It suggests a hybrid approach of reforming existing institutions, such as Multilateral Development Banks, while creating new global and national mechanisms to meet the scale of the climate challenge. The authors emphasize the need for strengthened national institutions in developing countries, increased civil society monitoring, and a governance framework based on the three dimensions of power, responsibility, and accountability.

The document introduces the Financial Institutions Net Zero Tracker, a tool created to increase accountability and clarity regarding net zero commitments in the financial sector. The tracker evaluates commitments based on transparency, ambition, implementation, credibility, and the integration of nature and equity issues. It is intended to help financial institutions identify peer leading practices and enable regulators and civil society to hold firms accountable.