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The author critiques the push for 'buy local' conditions in South Africa's R787 billion infrastructure programme, arguing that import substitution is unsuitable for a modern economy with integrated supply chains. The text highlights that local suppliers often lack the necessary scale, skills, and technological know-how, meaning that preferential procurement could lead to higher prices and lower quality. While noting that South Africa is not a signatory to the WTO's Government Procurement Agreement, the author contends that the government should instead focus on industrial diversification and exports to ensure long-term competitiveness.

The document analyzes the 'Global Europe' strategy, which shifts the EU from multilateralism toward 'WTO+' bilateral free trade agreements. It argues that this approach focuses on 'competitiveness' and securing raw materials, often at the expense of social and environmental protections in the Global South. The report details negative impacts in Central America, Africa, the Caribbean, and Asia, specifically highlighting threats to food sovereignty, the displacement of peasant communities for agrofuels, and the erosion of domestic policy space through the liberalization of services and government procurement.

The document argues that corruption in public procurement is a primary driver of poverty in Africa, potentially costing the continent $148 billion annually. It identifies a cycle where 'grande corruption' (large-scale corruption) by elites leads to national poverty, which in turn fuels 'petite corruption' (small-scale corruption) among underpaid officials. The author advocates for a comprehensive approach combining strong anti-corruption legislation, political will from top leadership, transparency in bidding processes, and the involvement of non-governmental actors to reduce corruption to marginal levels.

The document examines how trade policies influence climate change through scale, composition, technique, and direct effects, and analyzes the legal interactions between WTO law and the UNFCCC/Kyoto Protocol. It also assesses the physical impacts of climate change on trade infrastructure and the competitiveness implications of implementing climate regulations.

The document examines the application of the WTO Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) to non-product related Process and Production Method (npr PPM) standards, such as social and environmental standards. It argues that if npr PPM standards fall outside the TBT scope, governments are generally free to adopt them, subject to GATT non-discrimination rules. If they fall within the TBT scope, the agreement encourages the use of relevant international standards as a basis for national regulations, providing a rebuttable presumption that such regulations do not create unnecessary obstacles to trade.

The document argues that WTO rules permit governments to use non-product related Process and Production Method (npr PPM) standards, such as social and environmental criteria, in government procurement. It clarifies that the TBT Agreement does not apply to government procurement, which is instead governed by the GPA for signatory countries. Under the GPA, technical specifications should be based on international standards where appropriate, and the term 'most advantageous' tender allows for the inclusion of non-economic advantages. The document also discusses the lack of a definitive WTO list of 'recognized bodies' for international standards, suggesting that recognition is established de facto through factors like ISO inclusion, government funding, and openness to participation by WTO members.

The document examines the proposed preferential trade agreement (PTA) between the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) and India, intended for conclusion by the end of 2006. It details the economic rationale, including the desire to reduce protectionist barriers and expand South-South trade, and outlines the likely negotiating positions of both parties. Key areas of interest include India's offensive push in IT services and textiles, and SACU's interests in financial services and automotive exports. The briefing also identifies challenges such as the 'perception gap' between business sectors, the need for coordination within the IBSA framework, and the risk that bilateral deals may detract from multilateral WTO goals.

The report analyzes the shift in US trade policy toward 'aggressive unilateralism' and bilateral FTAs as a means to open foreign markets and pressure the multilateral WTO process. It specifically examines the motivations and challenges surrounding the proposed US-SACU FTA, noting that while it offers an opportunity to lock in market access and build on the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), it faces hurdles regarding agricultural subsidies, intellectual property rights, and the disparate economic sizes of the partners. The authors warn that the FTA may not be a panacea for development if not coupled with broader structural policies.

The document details the progress and disputes surrounding the four 'Singapore issues' following the Doha Ministerial Declaration. It highlights a recurring rift between developed nations (such as the EU, US, and Japan), who seek multilateral rules, and developing nations (such as India and Brazil), who express concern over policy flexibility, resource constraints, and the necessity of new binding obligations. For each issue, the briefing outlines the specific mandates, the current state of play in Working Group discussions, and the differing positions of member states regarding definitions, transparency, and the role of technical assistance.

The document analyzes the WTO's Agreement on Government Procurement (GPA), a plurilateral agreement based on non-discrimination and transparency. It highlights the conflict of interest governments face as both rule-makers and purchasers, and discusses how the GPA interacts with environmental criteria. The author notes that while the GPA allows for some exceptions to protect health and safety, it lacks a specific exception for the conservation of exhaustible natural resources. For developing countries, the briefing suggests that accession to the GPA depends on a mercantilist assessment of national interest, though they remain affected by the standards set by signatory governments.

A coalition of NGOs argues that the WTO's use of exclusive, invitation-only meetings—such as the mini-ministerial in Australia and 'Green Room' meetings—undermines democratic principles and pressures developing countries to accept terms favorable to developed nations. The statement demands a transition to transparent, inclusive consensus-building mechanisms and a neutral WTO Secretariat.

The report examines how the GATS, as both a trade and investment agreement, may constrain national environmental policies through its broad scope and non-discrimination obligations. It highlights risks associated with the 'market access' and 'national treatment' phases, the potential for 'de facto' discrimination to invalidate neutral environmental rules, and the dangers of introducing a 'necessity test' for domestic regulations. The authors argue that the GATS environmental exception (Article XIV) is significantly weaker than the GATT equivalent and call for its expansion. Key recommendations include conducting comprehensive Sustainability Impact Assessments, excluding 'public services' like water and energy from liberalization, and ensuring that environmental protection is explicitly recognized as a legitimate policy objective in all future disciplines.

The report argues that corruption is a global phenomenon that severely impedes development by distorting public spending, undermining efficiency, and discouraging investment. It rejects the notion that corruption can foster development, asserting instead that it kills the 'development spirit'. For South Africa, the authors recommend a combination of economic liberalisation, democratic consolidation, and specific institutional reforms—including tax and procurement overhauls—driven by strong political will to ensure accountable governance.

The document examines resource-backed loans (RBLs) as a tool for financing infrastructure in resource-rich developing nations, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. While RBLs can unlock funding and reduce corruption by bypassing government control of funds through special purpose vehicles, they often lead to unsustainable debt, lack of transparency, and unfair terms that favour lenders. The brief recommends integrating RBLs into public procurement systems, increasing transparency, and utilizing expert negotiators to protect national interests.

The report argues that the current fragmented system of mandatory standards, voluntary labeling, and energy guides creates marketplace confusion. It recommends replacing the binary ENERGY STAR system and the FTC Energy Guide with a unified, multi-tiered 'bin' or 'star' rating system (one to four stars) to better differentiate 'best in class' products. Additionally, it suggests modifying the 'rebuttable presumption' for economic justification of standards to be based on a percentage of an appliance's service life rather than a flat three-year period, granting DOE authority for 'smart grid' requirements, and mandating that federal procurement focus on top-tier (three or four star) products to drive market scale and lower costs.

The document argues that carbon capture and storage (CCS) is essential for the EU to achieve climate neutrality by 2050, particularly for harder-to-abate sectors like cement, steel, and chemicals. The signatories call for the Clean Industrial Deal to address critical gaps, including the lack of operational commercial-scale storage sites in the EU and the need for cross-border transport networks. Key recommendations include ensuring geographically balanced storage development to avoid leaving Central, Eastern, and Southern Europe behind, creating strong demand signals for decarbonised products through public procurement, and addressing funding gaps via the Competitiveness Fund and Important Projects of Common European Interest (IPCEI). The letter also emphasizes the need for international partnerships, specifically mentioning the removal of regulatory barriers to access storage in the UK and the Mediterranean Sea.

The document identifies cement manufacturing as responsible for 1.1% of total U.S. emissions, with 60% of those emissions stemming from the chemical process of calcination. It highlights three primary decarbonization pathways: feedstock substitutions and alternative production processes (including non-kiln pathways), clinker substitution using materials like slag or calcined clays, and Carbon Capture, Utilization, and Storage (CCUS). To accelerate adoption, the document recommends low-interest loans, public procurement standards requiring Environmental Product Declarations (EPDs), state-funded pilot programs, and Contracts for Difference (CfDs).

The U.S. chemical manufacturing sector accounts for 2.9% of total U.S. emissions, totaling 186 MMT CO2e. Decarbonization strategies include process electrification (such as electric steam crackers), replacing fossil-based feedstocks with clean hydrogen or bio-based inputs, and deploying carbon capture, utilization, and storage (CCUS). To accelerate these transitions, the document recommends that states implement supplemental tax incentives for CCUS and hydrogen, establish public procurement commitments for low-carbon chemicals, and offer accelerated depreciation for low-carbon equipment.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) argues that while the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA) and the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) are projected to reduce U.S. emissions by just over 40% by 2030 relative to 2005 levels, additional federal policy is required to reach net-zero emissions by midcentury. CATF is advocating for several specific policy interventions, including a zero-carbon fuel standard, revised siting and permitting for clean energy infrastructure, and a federal electricity procurement model requiring 24-7 zero-emission clean electricity. The organization is also focusing on supporting advanced nuclear supply chains, reducing methane from oil, gas, and agriculture, and developing regulatory structures for hydrogen infrastructure. To implement these strategies and expand its policy expertise, CATF seeks $25 million in funding over the next five years.

A coalition of companies and organizations calls on President Biden to implement round-the-clock, time- and location-based clean energy procurement for federal facilities to drive investment in new carbon-free resources and ensure environmental justice.