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The report identifies a significant surge in global oil and gas pipeline development, with North America leading the trend. It contends that this expansion is predicated on a 'super cycle' of demand from Asia that is incompatible with IPCC climate goals and threatened by the rise of renewables and competing production in other regions. The authors compare the current situation to the 2011–2016 coal mining crash, warning that high leverage and a loss of 'social license' create a high risk of stranded assets.

The document outlines India's shift toward market-driven energy pricing and targeted subsidies via direct benefit transfer. It details the draft National Energy Policy's goal to align domestic prices with international rates and the potential inclusion of petroleum and electricity under the Goods and Services Tax (GST). Key sector updates include the legal obligation for states to provide 24/7 power by March 2019, the phasing out of kerosene subsidies by 2020, and the reduction of LPG tax rates to 5% for domestic consumers. Additionally, it notes the impact of rising crude oil prices on the national subsidy burden and the declining cost of wind power through reverse auctions.

The 5th ASEAN Energy Outlook (AEO5) analyzes energy trajectories for 10 ASEAN Member States through 2040. It compares a Business-as-Usual (BAU) scenario with two target-based scenarios: the AMS Targets Scenario (ATS) and the ASEAN Progressive Scenario (APS). The report finds that while the region is on track to meet energy intensity targets, achieving the 23% renewable energy share by 2025 requires significantly more ambition than current national targets provide. It highlights a continuing heavy reliance on fossil fuels, particularly coal in the power sector, and projects increasing import dependency for natural gas and crude oil. The report recommends strengthening energy efficiency and renewable energy policies, including the use of auctions and expanding renewables beyond the power sector, to improve energy security and reduce CO2 emissions.

The East African region has discovered vast oil and gas reserves, but social and economic benefits remain unrealised due to regulatory disputes, infrastructure hurdles, and poor governance. Uganda has opted for a pipeline route through Tanzania over Kenya due to cost and security concerns. Mozambique faces severe financial instability and debt crises that threaten its LNG projects. Across the region, a lack of transparency and limited civil liberties hinder the effective implementation of accountability frameworks like the EITI.

In July 2014, the Sierra Club and ForestEthics petitioned the U.S. Department of Transportation to issue an emergency order banning DOT-111 tank cars for shipping Bakken crude oil, citing their tendency to puncture and cause explosions. The petition and subsequent lawsuit were driven by a 4,000 percent increase in rail-shipped crude oil since 2005 and the failure of federal regulators to act on National Transportation Safety Board recommendations. The case was eventually dismissed following the release of a final tank car rule in May 2015.

Earthjustice, on behalf of Sierra Club and ForestEthics, petitions the U.S. Department of Transportation (DOT) to ban legacy DOT-111 tank cars for transporting highly flammable crude oil. The petition argues that these cars pose an "unacceptable public risk" due to high failure rates in derailments, citing disasters in Lac Mégantic, Aliceville, and Casselton. While the DOT has initiated rulemaking and issued operational emergency orders, the petitioners contend these actions are insufficient and too slow to address the imminent hazard. They highlight that Canada has already implemented bans and surcharges on these cars, which may inadvertently push the most dangerous tank cars into the U.S. fleet. The document advocates for an immediate emergency order to bridge the gap until a formal rulemaking process establishes more robust safety standards, such as the CPC-1232 specifications or newer designs.

The report analyzes government subsidies for the Yamal LNG and Prirazlomnoe projects in the Russian Arctic. It finds that Yamal LNG would be uneconomic without state-funded infrastructure and tax breaks, while Prirazlomnoe received substantial tax breaks after most capital expenditures were already sunk, effectively acting as a rent transfer to Gazprom. Both projects are associated with significant environmental risks, including salinity changes in the Bay of Ob and potential oil spills in the Pechora Sea.

The paper finds that Nigeria's trade with BRICS is heavily skewed toward crude oil exports and manufactured imports, with China and South Africa playing the most significant roles in driving Nigerian GDP growth through imports and exports, respectively.

The document analyzes Nigeria's multifaceted relationships with Brazil, Russia, India, and China, highlighting a pattern where Nigeria leverages its oil and gas resources to secure infrastructural development and technical cooperation. While diplomatic and trade ties are strong—particularly with India and China—the paper notes significant friction regarding the quality of Chinese goods, the treatment of workers by Indian and Chinese employers, and the failure of some BRIC entities to honor infrastructure commitments in exchange for oil blocks. It also details the strategic rivalry among the BRICs to capture Nigeria's market, noting that India's linguistic and historical advantages contrast with China's superior financial muscle.

India's engagement with Africa has evolved from a post-colonial focus on decolonisation and non-alignment to a pragmatic 'enlightened national interest' approach. This modern strategy is driven by India's need for energy security, specifically crude petroleum, and its ambition for a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Trade has grown significantly, with bilateral trade reaching $39 billion in 2008–09, and Indian investment has expanded across hydrocarbons, mining, agriculture, and ICT. India continues to support African capacity building through the ITEC programme and the Pan-African e-network project, aiming to marry its traditional idealistic goals with contemporary economic and strategic needs.

The document examines the evolving India-Africa partnership, highlighting energy as a primary driver due to India's rising import dependency. It details India's diversification strategy across coal, oil, natural gas, and uranium, while arguing that the relationship extends beyond energy into trade, defence, and capacity building. The analysis contrasts India's approach with that of China and the West, emphasizing the need for sustainable energy governance to avoid the 'resource curse' and energy poverty in Africa.

India faces a growing gap between energy demand and indigenous supply, projecting it will become the world's third largest energy consumer by 2030. To address this, India is implementing an integrated energy policy focusing on diversifying sources—including increased imports of high-quality coal from South Africa and oil from Africa—while expanding nuclear, hydropower, and renewable energy capacities. Significant challenges remain, including unreliable infrastructure, high transmission losses, and geopolitical tensions affecting pipeline viability.

The document examines the potential for a strategic partnership between South Africa and Russia, noting that while Russia's economic size and global influence make it a vital partner for exports and FDI, South African corporates face significant hurdles. These include a poor 'Doing Business' ranking, widespread corruption, lax intellectual property enforcement, and state dominance in strategic sectors. Despite these challenges, the state visit resulted in cooperation agreements in uranium enrichment, space, technology, and mining.

The research finds that the location of natural resources relative to the conflict zone is critical to determining conflict severity. Gemstone mining and hydrocarbon production within a conflict zone are strongly associated with higher total combat deaths, with secessionist conflicts in hydrocarbon-rich regions being the most severe. Conversely, drug cultivation in the conflict zone and hydrocarbon production located outside the conflict zone are associated with lower combat deaths and reduced conflict intensity. The study concludes that resources influence severity by altering the incentives and organizational structures of both rebel groups and the state.

The report analyzes the growing resource-based partnership between China and Gabon, highlighting China's increasing role in Gabon's oil, timber, and mining sectors. It details the strategic importance of the Belinga iron ore project and examines how Sino-Gabonese relations are shaped by resource extraction, infrastructure development, and environmental concerns.

The document presents a series of testimonials and official statements highlighting the systemic risks associated with using DOT-111 tank cars for crude oil transport. Key authorities, including the National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB) and the U.S. Department of Transportation, describe these cars as prone to breaching during derailments, creating an "unacceptable public risk." The compiled evidence emphasizes that voluntary industry action is insufficient, calling for mandatory bans and updated safety standards to prevent catastrophic accidents in densely populated areas and environmentally sensitive regions.

Global Witness reports that Western companies traded 533 million barrels of Russian oil and oil products in the year following the invasion of Ukraine, representing nearly 25% of Russia's total sea-borne exports. While trade shifted toward India, China, and Turkey, Western entities—particularly traders like Vitol and Gunvor, and Greek-owned tankers—remained significant enablers. Western-owned tankers carried over 897 million barrels, with 83% of that volume handled by Greek-owned vessels.

Global Witness reports that between February 24 and March 21, 2022, over 360 ships carrying approximately 39.3 million barrels of crude oil, 7.52 million barrels of fuel oil, 473,000 tonnes of LNG, and 2.82 million tonnes of coal from Russian ports were insured by members of the International Group of P&I Clubs (IGP&I). The document asserts that this insurance, required by EU law and international conventions, facilitates the trade of 'conflict fuel' that funds Russia's war in Ukraine. While the IGP&I acknowledges that collective withdrawal of cover could have an 'immediate effect' on volumes, it claims this would only cause a 'limited short-term hiatus' as owners might seek alternative insurance. Only one club, Gard, responded to inquiries about excluding such shipowners, arguing that withdrawing protection could expose 'innocent third parties to risks'.

Ukrainian, British, and European NGOs are calling on the US Congress to close a 'refining loophole' that allows Russian oil to enter the US market after being refined in third countries, primarily India. The NGOs argue that the US should ban refined products from any refinery that has imported Russian crude oil within the previous six months to reduce Russian export revenues and limit Russia's ability to fund its war in Ukraine.

Global Witness traced the journey of Russian oil from the port of Primorsk to the UK via India, highlighting the use of a 'shadow fleet' of aging tankers and a refining loophole that allows Russian crude to be imported into the UK as refined products. The report identifies the role of Gatik Ship Management and the St Kitts and Nevis ship registry in facilitating this trade, and notes that refineries in Vadinar and Jamnagar process Russian crude for re-export to Western markets, including purchases by Shell and BP.