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The author contends that direct action and civil disobedience by land defenders are critical for challenging the 'mindset of dominion' that drives environmental destruction. The text highlights the disparity in risks faced by protestors—ranging from simple citations in the US to assassination globally—and criticizes Western climate spaces for prioritizing policy and electrification over the radical systemic change and decolonization necessary for survival.

The study examines the drivers and barriers to the adoption of climate-smart agriculture (CSA) across five European production systems, incorporating perspectives from a wide range of stakeholders beyond just farmers. The primary drivers for adoption are economic, institutional/policy, and personal/psychological factors, while the main barriers are economic, technology-related, and institutional/policy factors. Stakeholders suggest that overcoming these hurdles requires financial support, policy reform, capacity-building, and improved coordination and communication strategies to make CSA practices more attractive to farmers.

The guide offers strategic advice for political actors to engage voters on climate change by maintaining a positive tone, building trust through authenticity and empathy, and listening to local concerns. It emphasizes the importance of government leadership and the use of local, positive examples of climate action to make the transition feel normal and achievable.

The report finds that a cost-optimal path to net zero in Canada requires a massive shift toward electrification of building heat, with electricity powering 78% to 91% of annual space heating demand by 2050. It argues that continued expansion of gas networks is inconsistent with these goals and risks creating stranded assets. The analysis highlights a critical gap in provincial policy leadership, noting that current utility regulation—which incentivizes infrastructure growth—is ill-suited for the energy transition. To mitigate risks, the report recommends that provincial governments legislate net zero targets, mandate electrification for new buildings, and equip regulators to manage the gradual contraction of gas networks while investing in electricity capacity and peak demand management.

The author warns that a rightward political shift in the EU and UK could lead to the rollback of climate regulations and the weakening of the European Green Deal. While EU citizens express high levels of concern for climate change, competing priorities like security and healthcare may lead them to vote for parties hostile to green policies. The text urges activists to combat political apathy and maintain climate action on the political agenda even if climate-skeptical forces gain power.

The report critiques the GWP* (Global Warming Potential Star) metric, arguing that while it may be useful for specific climate modeling, its application to national or sectoral policy is unfair and scientifically misleading. Unlike the standard GWP, which uses a zero-emission baseline, GWP* evaluates current emissions relative to past levels, potentially rewarding countries with historically high emissions and penalizing developing nations. The authors contend that this approach can be used to justify continued methane pollution, particularly in the livestock sector, and advocate for a 'multi-basket' approach that sets separate targets for short-lived pollutants like methane and long-lived gases like CO2 to ensure equitable and effective climate action.

The document provides a comparative analysis of French banks' commitments to cease financing new hydrocarbon projects. It details specific exclusions for upstream exploration and production and midstream infrastructure, noting that many banks apply restrictive criteria—such as limiting exclusions to non-conventional LNG or specific production-linked infrastructure—rather than comprehensive bans.

The steel sector accounts for approximately 1 percent of US emissions and 7 percent of global emissions. The document argues that the US steel industry is at a critical juncture where it must either maintain coal-based production or reinvest in modern assets. It asserts that immediate congressional action and policy interventions can ensure US producers remain competitive while transitioning to cleaner production methods, particularly as the sector is influenced by global overcapacity and international trade benchmarks.

The G7 is urged to set a goal to triple its renewable energy capacity by 2030, as current collective targets only aim for a doubling. This alignment is presented as necessary to meet the global goal agreed upon at COP28 and to keep the 1.5C temperature goal within reach.

The report argues that climate change and the energy transition provide new vectors for mis- and disinformation that extend beyond simple climate denialism. It categorizes these threats into physical risks (e.g., misattributing disasters), cascading risks (e.g., xenophobic narratives around climate migration), and response risks (e.g., backlash to green policies). The document highlights the role of geopolitical competition, particularly involving Russia and China, and the amplifying effect of low institutional trust and AI technology. It recommends integrating misinformation risk assessments into climate policy design and strengthening monitoring capabilities.

The document argues that climate change is a critical electoral issue in the 2024 US elections and urges journalists to move beyond 'red-blue' political binaries to report on the scientific consensus and local impacts. It provides specific questioning frameworks for candidates, methods for debunking common climate myths, and suggestions for localizing climate stories across sectors like infrastructure, housing, and energy. The guide emphasizes that reporting on the climate crisis is a matter of professional journalism rather than activism, citing the role of the press in holding power accountable during historical crises.

Based on Fall 2023 survey data, the report finds that while most Americans are most interested in climate solutions, those less worried about climate change prioritize evidence and causes. The findings suggest that tailored communication strategies—focusing on solutions for the 'Alarmed' and 'Concerned' and on scientific consensus for the 'Doubtful' and 'Dismissive'—can better support public understanding and action.

Based on a Fall 2023 survey of 1,033 U.S. adults, the report finds that while Americans are generally interested in climate change, their information needs vary significantly by their prior beliefs. The most sought-after information overall is regarding solutions (44%), though those less worried about climate change prioritize evidence of its existence and its causes. The study uses the 'Six Americas' framework to show that 'Alarmed' and 'Concerned' groups seek solutions, while 'Doubtful' and 'Dismissive' groups focus on whether global warming is happening or a hoax.

Chile has proposed that the Climate Science and Resilience Center (CR2) be admitted as an Associate of the Inter-American Institute for Global Change Research (IAI). The proposal highlights CR2's regional research ambitions in South America and Antarctica, its interdisciplinary approach to bridging natural and social sciences, and its contributions to Chilean public policy, including the 2022 Framework Law on Climate Change and the design of Chile's NDC for COP25. Additionally, CR2's leadership in climate services is noted through the creation of the Climate Risk Atlas of Chile (ARClim) and 14 other open-access climate services.

The document evaluates how CEE countries have integrated public consultation and multilevel climate and energy dialogues (MCEDs) into their updated NECPs, finding significant variability in quality and frequent failures to meet European law requirements for early and inclusive engagement.

The policy brief asserts that for the global goal of tripling renewable capacity to be met, G7 nations must collectively increase their capacity from 0.9 TW in 2022 to 2.7 TW by 2030. Current G7 targets only amount to 2 TW, representing a doubling rather than a tripling, and leaving a 0.7 TW gap. While Germany and the UK have targets reaching at least 80% of a tripling, France and Japan are lagging, and the US and Canada lack official targets.

The report analyzes data from 6,190 U.S. adults (2021-2023) to examine the 'attitude-behavior gap' in political climate action. It finds that while many Americans express willingness to sign petitions, donate, volunteer, or contact officials, actual engagement rates are significantly lower. The study identifies that 'Definitely willing and active' individuals are more likely to discuss climate change, perceive supportive social norms, and hold stronger collective efficacy beliefs. To bridge this gap, the authors recommend direct requests for involvement, simplifying the process of taking action, and amplifying pro-climate social norms.

The report identifies a significant 'attitude-behavior gap' in U.S. political climate action, where many adults express willingness to act but few do so. It highlights that those who are both willing and active possess stronger collective efficacy beliefs, more frequent communication about climate change, and a higher perception of supportive social norms. To bridge this gap, the authors recommend direct interpersonal requests, simplifying the process of engagement, and amplifying diverse pro-climate social norms.

The analysis examines the complexities of assessing the climate impact of U.S. LNG exports, highlighting that lifecycle emissions vary significantly based on the source basin and the level of upstream and downstream mitigation. Using a case study of power generation in Vietnam, the author demonstrates that switching from coal to U.S. gas could either reduce greenhouse gas impacts by 40% or increase them by 20% depending on methane management. While U.S. EPA regulations and the Methane Emissions Reduction Program are expected to curb emissions, the document asserts that further policies and the application of carbon capture and storage are necessary for gas to remain viable in a climate-constrained world.

The author contends that the European People's Party (EPP) is actively undermining the European Green Deal and the Nature Restoration Law, moving away from its centrist roots toward a national-conservative ideology. This shift is framed as a strategic attempt to compete with far-right parties, which the author suggests strengthens those movements. The text highlights the precarious position of the Greens, who must now defend moderate policies they previously found insufficiently ambitious, and concludes that the 2024 elections are critical for determining whether the EU continues toward a climate-neutral future.