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The Environmental and Energy Study Institute (EESI) hosted a 'Congressional Climate Camp' briefing series to provide legislative and political context for U.S. climate policy. The series featured experts discussing historical turning points in federal climate policy, the role of advocacy and stakeholder engagement, the impact of political polarization on compromise, and the interaction between the legislative and executive branches in producing major bills.

The authors advocate for a diversified strategy to reach Canada's 2050 carbon neutrality goal, distinguishing between "safe bets" (commercialized technologies) and "risky bets" (emerging technologies). They argue that while safe bets can provide two-thirds of the emissions reductions needed by 2030, risky bets are necessary for cost-effective long-term elimination of emissions. The document calls for a combination of clear incentives for deployment and regulatory support for pilot projects, emphasizing public-private partnerships.

The author traces the trajectory of Polish green politics, noting an initial wave of activism in the 1980s that faded during the post-1989 transition due to economic hardship and a pro-modernization discourse. After a period of political marginalization and the formation of the Green party (Zieloni) in 2004, green issues gained traction as a field of political contestation under the Law and Justice (PiS) government. By 2019, green politics achieved a breakthrough, with the Greens entering parliament as part of a coalition with Civic Platform (PO), though this raises concerns about potential ideological assimilation and greenwashing.

The report details a gap between Americans' willingness to engage in climate-related political and community actions and their actual behavior. While many adopt energy-efficient household products and habits, few participate in active campaigns or disaster preparedness planning.

The document analyzes how Swedish municipalities approach sustainable consumption, noting that while awareness is high, there is a critical lack of consumption monitoring and political support. It recommends systematic impact analysis of municipal purchases, increased political prioritization, and a stronger coordinating role for County Administrative Boards to facilitate knowledge sharing and national-local alignment.

Reclaim Finance criticizes a proposed French decree on ESG reporting for financial investors, arguing it fails to align with the Paris Agreement, ignores fossil fuel financing, and lacks sanctions for non-compliance. The organization calls for mandatory transparency and penalties to force financial actors to abandon fossil fuel investments.

The document explains that COP26 is divided into a UN-managed Blue Zone for accredited experts and decision-makers and a host-nation-managed Green Zone for the public. It outlines various methods of attendance, including official accreditation, volunteering, obtaining passes from partner entities, participating in city-wide events in Glasgow, and engaging via online broadcasts and social media.

Canada can reach carbon neutrality by 2050 by deploying both 'safe bets' (proven technologies) and 'risky bets' (emerging solutions). The author emphasizes that the necessary framework already exists but requires political ambition and implementation to incentivize adoption by businesses and households. Furthermore, the document warns that without a deliberate policy framework, the energy transition could exacerbate inequalities, necessitating government intervention to ensure social, economic, and environmental justice.

The Canadian Climate Institute argues that reaching net zero by 2050 is possible if Canada implements a policy strategy that combines low-risk "safe bets" with high-risk "wild cards." The report recommends using climate accountability frameworks to manage uncertainty and implementing supportive policies to ensure the transition does not exacerbate existing inequalities.

The report finds a stark contrast between public support for climate action in Massachusetts and the actual legislative outcomes. While approximately 90% of public testimony supports environmental priorities, ambitious legislation is frequently blocked by powerful industry coalitions—most notably regulated utilities and the Associated Industries of Massachusetts (AIM). The study identifies four primary opposition coalitions: utilities, fossil and chemical companies, real estate, and power generation companies. It highlights that utilities are uniquely successful in steering policy, often opposing decentralized solar energy while supporting large-scale wind and hydro projects that benefit their business models. Furthermore, the report notes a shift in opposition rhetoric from climate denial to 'discourses of delay,' such as policy perfectionism and appeals to social justice. The authors conclude that the lack of transparency in the State House, combined with the immense spending power of corporate lobbyists, creates a hostile environment for ambitious climate policy.

Between 2018 and 2020, Côte d’Ivoire implemented a series of institutional, legal, and financial measures to mainstream gender into its climate strategies, including the creation of a National Gender and Climate Change Platform and the development of a National Gender and Climate Change Strategy for 2020–2024.

Between 2018 and 2020, Côte d’Ivoire implemented a series of policy, institutional, and financial measures to mainstream gender into climate action. Key achievements include the creation of the National Gender and Climate Change Strategy 2020–2024, the establishment of a National Gender and Climate Change Platform, and the integration of gender considerations into the National Adaptation Plan (NAP) funding proposal and the revised Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs).

The document describes a sophisticated 'denial machine' in the United States composed of ten key player types—including corporations, think tanks, and conservative media—that use a multi-tiered 'playbook' of long, medium, and short-term strategies to disseminate misinformation and block climate mitigation policies.

The report details the transition from the term 'climate dictatorship' to 'climate lockdown' in German social media, identifying key political triggers and the role of platforms like Telegram in fusing climate skepticism with broader conspiracy theories such as the Great Reset.

The report analyzes how right-wing actors, particularly the AfD, instrumentalized the climate debate during the 2021 German federal election. It finds that while the AfD published the lowest percentage of climate-related content, its posts achieved significantly higher engagement than those of other parties. The study identifies a shift from outright climate denial toward a 'culture war' strategy, using disinformation narratives such as 'denial and delay' and 'absolution' to frame climate action as a threat to the German lifestyle. The analysis also highlights a stark platform divide, with Twitter predominantly hosting pro-climate messages and Facebook serving as a hub for climate-skeptical content.

The report assesses green public procurement (GPP) in Tallinn, finding that while 17% of procurements are registered as green, 92% of these rely solely on ISO 14001 certification and do not meet EU GPP definitions. Key barriers include a lack of time, experience, and centralized information. The report recommends establishing a strategic framework, creating a GPP competence center within the procurement sector, and developing product-group-specific model criteria to increase the quality and quantity of sustainable purchases.

The briefing highlights three key pieces of US federal legislation—the Coronavirus and Climate Relief omnibus bill, the Trillion Trees and Natural Carbon Storage Act, and the American Renewable Energy and Efficiency Act—as evidence of bipartisan and ambitious climate momentum. It further argues that President-Elect Biden's cabinet appointments, including the creation of the US Special Presidential Envoy for Climate and the National Climate Advisor, signal that climate change will be a cross-agency priority integrated with economic and public health policies.

The report examines the role of cities, regions, and companies in the EU's climate action, noting that 40% of 2016 emissions are covered by individual targets and 36% of the population is covered by subnational net-zero targets as of October 2020. It argues that while significant mitigation potential exists, these reductions require coordination with national and EU-level policies. The study finds limited data on overall progress toward targets, though some European cities showed good progress toward 2020 goals.

The Climate Change Performance Index 2021 finds that no country is currently on a path compliant with the Paris Agreement goals. While the EU improved its ranking to 16th place and countries like Sweden, the UK, and Denmark lead, major G20 emitters including the USA, Saudi Arabia, and Russia are rated 'very low'. The report highlights a divide between high-performing smaller nations and developing countries like Morocco, Chile, and India, and the lowest-performing fossil fuel producing nations.

The document advocates for redefining youth engagement in African climate policy, moving beyond 'tick-box' exercises to treat young people as key stakeholders. It emphasizes the importance of intersectional approaches, the role of youth networks, and the need for comprehensive curriculum reform to build climate-conscious citizens.