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The analysis of 44 media channels across four countries identified 815 cases of climate disinformation, with 85% occurring in private media. France showed the highest volume of cases, while Spain had the lowest. The report finds a negative correlation between the volume of climate coverage and the prevalence of disinformation, noting that disinformation often aligns with specific national narratives: pro-agribusiness in Brazil, anti-EU sentiment and industrial decline in Poland, and renewable energy skepticism in France.

The report positions democratic communication as a critical infrastructure for climate justice, asserting that environmental policies often fail when disconnected from local social and cultural systems. Through three case studies, it illustrates how community radio in Colombia's páramos, public dialogues on hydropower in Nepal, and community-led data collection in Nigeria's Niger Delta empower marginalized populations. These initiatives combat disinformation, validate indigenous expertise, and transform communities from passive recipients of climate policy into active participants and producers of evidence. The document concludes that investing in independent journalism, community media, and digital inclusion is a strategic necessity for effective and equitable climate action.

The report 'Filling the Infrastructure Gap' asserts that climate justice cannot be achieved without 'information justice,' arguing that independent and grassroots communication systems are critical infrastructure. Through case studies, it shows how community radio in Colombia's páramos, public dialogues in Nepal's hydropower regions, and community-led data collection in Nigeria's Niger Delta empower frontline communities to challenge disinformation, produce evidence of environmental harm, and hold decision-makers accountable. The document concludes that investments in local media, digital inclusion, and Indigenous communication are strategic climate justice interventions necessary for equitable environmental governance.

The document identifies climate disinformation as an escalating geopolitical threat driven by hostile states, fossil fuel interests, and AI, which undermines public trust and climate action. It highlights a critical gap in international response due to the closure of the U.S. Global Engagement Center (GEC) and urges the EU to expand its global role through multilateral cooperation, partner support, and investment in information integrity tools.

The report provides an extensive archive of advertisements from ExxonMobil, BP, Shell, and Chevron, organized into appendices that highlight deceptive themes such as overstating greenhouse gas reductions, exaggerating renewable energy commitments, shifting responsibility to consumers, and promoting natural gas, carbon capture, hydrogen, and algae biofuels as viable climate solutions.

The report analyzes Russia's strategic use of climate-related disinformation to advance geopolitical goals. It details how the Kremlin exploits climate disasters in the West to stoke polarization, suppresses domestic environmental activism to prevent unrest, and manipulates narratives in the Arctic and Africa to secure economic and political influence. The document highlights the intersection of Russian influence with far-right rhetoric and the emerging threat of AI-driven disinformation, while arguing that subnational and international cooperation is essential to counter these efforts as US federal defenses weaken.

The document analyzes the correlation between real-world violence in Suweyda and the surge of anti-Druze hate speech on social media, highlighting the role of international accounts and AI-generated misinformation in inciting further conflict.

The document defines climate disinformation as deliberately incorrect information used to manipulate or protect economic interests, and greenwashing as communication used by governments and companies to appear more sustainable than they are. It advises journalists to avoid 'false equidistance' by reflecting the scientific consensus that over 99% of specialized studies attribute climate change to human activity. Recommended reporting techniques include 'prebunking' (warning audiences about disinformation tactics) and the 'truth sandwich' method (starting and ending with facts while briefly addressing the myth). The guide emphasizes investigating the funding of science, particularly links to the fossil fuel industry, and examining the real-world impact of proposed climate solutions like carbon capture and plastic recycling, which it notes are often promoted by the fossil fuel industry despite limited impact. It highlights that while disinformation is a global phenomenon, its effects are most acute locally in regions with extractive projects and 'green transition' promises.

The document is an open letter from Climate Action Against Disinformation (CAAD) and a coalition of 203 organizations and 202 experts. It argues that coordinated disinformation campaigns, primarily funded by the fossil fuel industry, are delaying the energy transition and sabotaging the Paris Agreement goals. The authors call on COP30 participants to move beyond the mere recognition of this threat to mandatory, verifiable actions that hold technology platforms, media, and the advertising sector accountable for the spread of manipulative content.

The document argues that coordinated climate disinformation, largely driven by the fossil fuel industry and amplified by Big Tech, constitutes a global emergency that delays the energy transition and threatens public health and human rights. It calls on COP30 participants to move beyond the mere recognition of this threat to implement mandatory, verifiable actions and regulatory measures against the monetization of disinformation and greenwashing.

The document argues that coordinated disinformation campaigns, primarily funded by the fossil fuel industry and disseminated via Big Tech and media, are delaying the energy transition and threatening public health and human rights. It calls for COP30 in Belém to move beyond the mere recognition of this issue to mandatory, verifiable actions and regulatory measures against the monetization of disinformation and greenwashing.

The statement asserts that climate change is a justice issue, as historically wealthy industrialized nations caused the crisis while disadvantaged communities in the Global South suffer disproportionately. It argues that 'communication and information deficits'—such as limited media access and a lack of public interest journalism—prevent the knowledge of affected communities from reaching policymakers. To address this, the World Association for Christian Communication (WACC) proposes several measures, including promoting ICT access for Indigenous groups and supporting the sharing of traditional ecological knowledge, which it will present at COP30.

ClientEarth outlines three legal imperatives for COP30: combating climate disinformation, translating the ICJ's Advisory Opinion into 1.5°C-compatible domestic laws, and establishing enforceable corporate accountability for environmental harms. The brief emphasizes the transition from voluntary pledges to mandatory legal compliance to ensure the goals of the Paris Agreement are met.

The report examines the role of social media platforms in spreading climate disinformation, highlighting how algorithmic systems and revenue-sharing models incentivise misleading content. It specifically assesses the compliance of Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs) with the EU Digital Services Act (DSA), concluding that most have failed to identify or mitigate climate disinformation as a systemic risk.

The report analyzes the 'petroganda' strategies of oil companies like Equinor, Shell, and BP, focusing on their use of community 'gifts' and cultural sponsorships to build social legitimacy and silence critics. It highlights specific cases in Norway and Brazil, such as the First Lego League and the Rouanet Youth Program, and discusses resistance strategies including civil disobedience and the 'Petroganda Prize'.

The document analyzes a 'cross-cutting disinformation network' involving corporations, the provincial government of Río Negro, and regional media to legitimize the Vaca Muerta Oil Sur (VMOS) project. It details how the repeal of Law 3308, which had protected the San Matías Gulf for over twenty years, paved the way for a 400 km pipeline and an oil port. The study identifies a pattern of 'Pink Slime' journalism, where newly created digital outlets with low organic reach use paid advertising to simulate social consensus and frame fossil fuel expansion as essential for regional development and public welfare, while omitting socio-environmental risks.

The report argues that Brazil's digital infrastructure development is characterized by a 'narrative of progress' that obscures ecological damage and marginalizes affected communities. Through media analysis, community surveys, and official information requests, the study finds a systematic lack of environmental impact assessments and a significant gap between the government's 'green' rhetoric and the reality of resource consumption. In Rio Grande do Sul, the Scala AI City project is situated in a flood-prone area, while in Ceará, the TikTok-partnered project by Casa dos Ventos faces opposition from the Anacé Indigenous community over land and water rights. The study concludes that the 'burden of the cloud' falls disproportionately on vulnerable populations through a combination of regulatory vacuum and strategic disinformation.

The report analyzes disinformation surrounding the Saguaro Project, finding that a significant portion of content on Facebook (43%) and YouTube (39%) used misleading narratives to frame the fossil gas project as a climate solution and driver of economic growth. Government accounts and media outlets were primary sources of this content, often employing 'transition fuel' rhetoric to legitimize the project despite its environmental impacts and legal challenges.

The document analyzes a coordinated communication strategy involving the Argentine government, YPF, and a network of newly created digital media outlets to legitimize the Vaca Muerta Oil Sur (VMOS) project. It argues that these actors use 'pink slime' tactics—creating low-impact local news sites funded by advertising—to frame fossil fuel expansion as essential for regional progress and employment while omitting environmental risks and legal controversies. The study highlights the derogation of Law 3308, which previously protected the Golfo San Matías, and the use of the RIGI framework to protect corporate interests for 30 years.

The study argues that climate disinformation in the Global South is not a digital accident but a reactivation of 'colonial logics of mediated authority.' By analyzing 200 social media posts and socio-cultural indices across eleven former British colonies in Africa, the author develops a 'Model of Indirect Epistemic Domination.' This model posits that disinformation achieves legitimacy by using trusted intermediaries—such as religious leaders and social media influencers—to frame climate falsehoods as indigenous truths. Statistical analysis reveals that religiosity and media access are the strongest predictors of susceptibility to climate disinformation, while formal education and trust in science do not provide significant protection.