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The report examines state-level climate strategies in the U.S., finding that while 42 of 50 states have taken formal action, land use reform—specifically 'smart growth'—is the least common component compared to transportation and green building policies. It provides detailed profiles of individual state efforts, including greenhouse gas reduction targets and participation in regional initiatives like the Western Climate Initiative and the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative.

The report analyzes the disconnect between farm-level 'means-based' indicators (which measure compliance with practices) and higher-scale 'impact' indicators (which measure ecosystem health). It argues that the current proliferation of uncoordinated metric initiatives leads to information overload and a lack of comparability. The authors advocate for a 'key impact approach'—focusing on a small set of strategic indicators—and the use of conceptual frameworks like DPSIR to bridge the gap between individual farm activities and landscape or national outcomes. Key recommendations include standardizing terminology, developing open data platforms, and adopting an evolutionary, stepwise approach to measurement.

The report assesses India's emissions profile and the financial mechanisms available for mitigation, arguing that current international tools like the CDM and GEF are inadequate for the scale of transformation needed. It proposes shifting from project-based to programmatic financing and recommends specific collaborative initiatives in solar energy, energy efficiency, and the reduction of black carbon from clean cooking stoves.

The report identifies a significant gap between current public funding for climate change and the estimated annual needs of developing countries, which range from US$100 billion to US$200 billion for mitigation and tens of billions for adaptation. It details several proposed funding sources, including Mexico's 'green fund', a global carbon levy proposed by Switzerland, and Norway's proposal to auction assigned amount units (AAUs). The document also analyzes the tension between developed and developing nations regarding the governance of these funds, with developing countries favoring a new institutional framework under the UNFCCC to ensure direct access and equity, while developed countries prefer utilizing existing institutions like the World Bank and Global Environment Facility (GEF).

The document analyzes how a U.S. federal cap-and-trade system can address 'early action'—emissions reductions occurring before the program's start. It argues that awarding credits from 'under the cap' preserves environmental integrity, whereas credits 'above the cap' risk inflating permissible emissions. The paper details the challenges of verifying reductions for voluntary direct, indirect, and offset actors, particularly regarding additionality and leakage. It also proposes mechanisms for transitioning existing regional programs, such as the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative (RGGI), into a federal system using dollar-for-dollar allowance exchanges to prevent price volatility.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) urges Congress to implement a multi-pollutant policy to address the public health and environmental crises caused by power plant emissions. CATF proposes capping sulfur dioxide at 2 million tons per year and nitrogen oxides at 1.6 million tons per year, while requiring a 95% reduction in mercury emissions. The document highlights that current regulations are insufficient to prevent 30,000 annual premature deaths or allow ecosystem recovery from acid rain. It further argues that these pollution controls are necessary prerequisites for the effective operation of carbon capture technologies and should be linked to any free carbon allowances provided under climate legislation like the Waxman-Markey bill.

The document examines the transition from fragmented regional carbon markets to a global architecture, analyzing the risks of market manipulation, environmental integrity failures, and the technical challenges of linking different systems. It proposes a framework of institutional functions—ranging from decentralized cooperation to centralized oversight—to manage price volatility, ensure robust monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV), and regulate financial derivatives to prevent excessive speculation.

Friends of the Earth criticizes H.R. 2454, stating it fails to mandate actual U.S. emissions reductions until 2030 and weakens the EPA's authority under the Clean Air Act. The organization contends the bill prioritizes polluting industries and Wall Street through free pollution permits and carbon market loopholes, thereby undermining U.S. global leadership and job creation in green industries.

Friends of the Earth opposes a 2009 US climate bill, asserting that it sets pollution reduction targets too low, provides excessive subsidies to corporate polluters, contains offset loopholes, and allows Wall Street traders to manipulate carbon markets.

The document argues that capturing biogas—primarily methane—from organic waste sources is a cost-effective method to mitigate climate change and displace fossil fuels. It details the technical and economic viability of landfill gas (LFG) projects, wastewater treatment anaerobic digestion, and agricultural manure digesters, while identifying policy barriers such as high capital costs and grid interconnection issues.

The report analyzes the Clean Development Mechanism's (CDM) successes and failures, noting a heavy concentration of projects in China, India, and Brazil, while Africa remains largely sidelined. It argues that current project-based modalities and stringent additionality rules create high transaction costs and barriers for Least Developed Countries (LDCs). The authors propose shifting toward programmatic CDM to support small-scale projects and sectoral CDM to address heavy industry, specifically analyzing the Chinese iron and steel sector. Key recommendations include retiring CERs to ensure global emission reductions and reforming additionality testing to be more pragmatic and inclusive.

The document provides an overview of the Bonn climate talks, detailing progress and disputes across mitigation, adaptation, technology, and finance. It highlights the tension between 'top-down' and 'bottom-up' approaches to emission reductions and the critical role of the United States' renewed engagement ahead of the 2009 Copenhagen summit.

Michelle Chan of Friends of the Earth testified that traditional cap-and-trade systems are prone to speculative bubbles and regulatory gaps, drawing parallels to the 2008 financial crisis. She warns that carbon offset credits and complex derivatives could lead to 'subprime carbon' risks where securities are based on non-existent or failing emission reductions. To avoid these risks, she advocates for the McDermott bill, which excludes carbon offsets and implements a stable carbon price to prevent boom-bust cycles.

The document analyzes the 'boom and bust' pattern of carbon prices in emissions trading schemes, attributing it to fixed supply facing highly uncertain demand and asymmetric information. It argues that price collapses undermine low-carbon investment and economic efficiency. While rejecting carbon taxation as a viable alternative due to political and implementation hurdles, the author proposes several policy options to stabilize markets, highlighting reserve price auctions in the EU ETS as a feasible, low-complexity mechanism to reduce supply automatically if prices fall too low.

The report argues that preventing dangerous climate change requires the active participation of major developing economies (MDEs), as developed countries' actions alone are insufficient. It analyzes the current GHG emission trends in MDEs, the impact of the 2008 global economic crisis on climate finance, and the positions of key actors like the U.S., EU, and China. The authors propose a 'Phased Approach to a Safe Climate' that differentiates countries into Developed, Advanced Developing, and Other Developing categories, transitioning MDEs from voluntary nationally appropriate mitigation actions (NAMAs) to binding targets by 2020, provided developed countries demonstrate leadership and provide adequate financing and technology transfer.

The document assesses the institutional and financial failures of technology transfer from industrialized to developing countries under the UNFCCC. It contrasts the G77 + China proposal for a centralized Executive Body and Multilateral Climate Technology Fund with the European Union's preference for bilateral Technology Oriented Agreements and carbon market financing. To resolve these divergences, the author suggests a three-themed evaluation framework based on legal principles, actions across the technology chain (R&D, demonstration, deployment, and diffusion), and institutional mandates. Additionally, the document details the Climate Action Network's (CAN) call for a dedicated Technology Cooperation Mechanism and a Technology Fund to ensure measurable, reportable, and verifiable (MRV) delivery of climate-friendly technologies, specifically addressing intellectual property barriers through a proposed International Declaration on Climate Technologies and IPRs.

The report identifies six distinct audience segments within the U.S. adult population—the Alarmed, Concerned, Cautious, Disengaged, Doubtful, and Dismissive—that vary significantly in their level of concern, belief in the reality of climate change, and willingness to take action. While the Alarmed and Concerned are convinced of the threat and support aggressive national policies, the Doubtful and Dismissive either deny the phenomenon or believe it is caused by natural changes. The analysis highlights that communication strategies must be tailored to these specific psychological and political profiles to effectively motivate climate action.

The report identifies six distinct audience segments within the U.S. adult population—the Alarmed, Concerned, Cautious, Disengaged, Doubtful, and Dismissive—that vary significantly in their level of concern and engagement with climate change. These groups are distinguished by their certainty that global warming is occurring, their perceived risk to themselves and future generations, and their support for specific national policies. While the Alarmed and Concerned are most likely to support aggressive carbon reduction and engage in consumer activism, the Doubtful and Dismissive are more likely to attribute warming to natural causes and oppose government regulation. The analysis highlights that effective climate communication requires tailored messaging based on these psychological, cultural, and political differences.

The 2009 Rapid Trade and Environment Assessment (RTEA) for Namibia argues that the country should pivot from a bulk export model toward high-value niche sectors based on its comparative advantages in biodiversity and dryland landscapes. The report identifies significant opportunities in carbon markets, ecotourism, and indigenous natural products, while warning against 'green protectionism' and technical barriers to trade, such as EU sanitary requirements for red meat. It highlights the vulnerability of Namibia's water and agricultural sectors to climate change and recommends the establishment of a national forum on trade and environment to coordinate inter-ministerial policies and international negotiating positions.

The paper examines the shift toward a more collaborative US-China relationship on climate change ahead of COP15 in Copenhagen. It details the announcement of mid-term emissions targets by both nations, China's continued alignment with the G77, and the internal US political struggles to pass climate legislation. The authors argue that while bilateral cooperation on clean energy technology is increasing, deep distrust between developed and developing nations and US domestic partisan gridlock continue to threaten the prospects of a legally binding international agreement.