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Climate Strategies argues that the upcoming Just Transition mechanism must overcome the current fragmentation of the UNFCCC architecture by integrating finance, technology, and stakeholder engagement. The submission recommends grounding the mechanism in real-world implementation evidence from the Global South, adopting multi-level and multi-sector governance, and ensuring that participation for marginalized groups translates into meaningful policy influence rather than mere procedural consultation.

The document argues that current national emission pledges for 2020 are incomparable due to differing accounting methods and are collectively insufficient to maintain robust carbon market prices. It highlights that the global recession has reduced the actual effort required to meet these targets and warns that weak short-term pledges shift a disproportionate and potentially infeasible burden of emission reductions onto future generations to meet 2050 goals.

The executive summary examines domestic climate policy implementation in developing countries through six case studies in Brazil, Ghana, India, South Africa, and China. It argues that while development co-benefits drive domestic support, resource constraints and competing priorities hinder progress. The document proposes that international support—including technical assistance, technology cooperation, and financial resources for incremental costs—can overcome these barriers. It specifically advocates for the use of intermediate policy indicators for monitoring and incentive schemes, rather than relying solely on long-term emissions reductions, to provide early rewards and flexibility.

The 'Just Transition Compass' provides a strategic framework to move just transition concepts from high-level dialogue to scalable implementation. It identifies four core elements of a just transition: addressing existing injustices, aligning structural changes with Paris Agreement goals, ensuring meaningful stakeholder participation, and fair distribution of costs and benefits. The document argues that national transitions cannot succeed without international cooperation and proposes the creation of a permanent Just Transition coordination body within the UNFCCC to reduce fragmentation, align financial flows, and share best practices across sectors beyond energy, such as agriculture and transport.

The briefing examines the applicability of transitional justice mechanisms—prosecution, lustration, amnesties, truth commissions, reparations, and institutional changes—to the climate context. It argues that while direct legal prosecution or truth commissions are unlikely, the logic of these tools can inform the UNFCCC's approach to loss and damage, historical emissions reporting, and the creation of a more legitimate, forward-oriented climate regime.

The report details a workshop in Bonn that brought together over 70 stakeholders to bridge the gap between international Just Transition (JT) negotiations and on-the-ground realities. Key discussions focused on overcoming barriers in the Global South—such as limited technical capacity, fragmented governance, and financial constraints—and the importance of national ownership. The document highlights South Korea's coal phase-out fund as a case study and proposes five key outcomes for the Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP), including the establishment of a Global JT Mechanism and the integration of JT into national climate plans like NDCs. Participants emphasized that JT should be framed as a development opportunity and an enabler of climate ambition rather than a cause for delay.

The briefing note examines the transition from the post-2012 to a post-2020 climate regime, highlighting the tension between Kyoto-style binding agreements and voluntary pledge-and-review systems. It suggests that a hybrid architecture, combining the UN's central role with decentralized 'climate clubs' and domestic policy convergence, is necessary to accommodate diverse national interests while maintaining global coherence. The document also draws lessons from the EU effort sharing process, emphasizing the need for transparent criteria to compare national pledges and the importance of domestic policy stability.

The document is a glossary booklet by ClimaTalk that defines essential climate science terms, UNFCCC mechanisms, and international agreements. It covers technical concepts such as the Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation (AMOC) and Representative Concentration Pathways (RCPs), as well as policy instruments like Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and the Global Stocktake. It also details the roles of various bodies, including the Conference of the Parties (COP) and the Youth Non-Governmental Organisation (YOUNGO).

The document details the compromise reached at COP30 concerning the scope and output of the UAE dialogue, as well as the procedural disagreements over the role of the IPCC in the Global Stocktake process.

The document outlines the evolution of the Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP) from its establishment at COP27 through the outcomes of COP30 in Belém. It highlights the transition from a period of gridlock to the adoption of a decision to create a new Just Transition mechanism, while noting the exclusion of unilateral trade measures and the inclusion of references to the 1.5ºC temperature goal. The briefing concludes with a timeline for the development of the mechanism's draft decision at SB64 in June 2026 and its formal adoption at COP31.

The policy brief contends that a 10-year commitment cycle for climate mitigation is too long and would lock in current low levels of ambition until 2030. It argues that 'reviews' are historically inadequate for increasing ambition unless they are treaty-mandated with strict 'shall' language. The author advocates for a common 5-year commitment period system to align with IPCC Assessment Reports and respond to falling costs of low-carbon technologies.

The author contends that the 'No' campaign against the Australian Indigenous Voice to Parliament is not a grassroots movement but a strategic operation by the Atlas Network, a global infrastructure of neoliberal think-tanks. The paper links this effort to a long-term pattern of climate disinformation and opposition to environmental policy, suggesting that the Voice is opposed because it could empower Indigenous communities to challenge fossil-fuel projects. The author details the interlocking memberships between the Atlas Network, the Mont Pelerin Society, and Australian political figures, arguing that these networks use 'astroturfing' and disinformation to shift public opinion in favor of corporate interests.

The Climate Social Science Network has listed a group of scholars available for media consultation during COP 26. These experts, some attending in Glasgow and others available remotely, provide expertise across several key climate themes including climate finance, loss and damage, carbon markets, and the political dynamics of climate obstruction.

The report highlights that black carbon emissions are rising in low- and middle-income countries due to a lack of binding international agreements and its exclusion from the UNFCCC list of climate pollutants. It proposes that emissions can be rapidly reduced by 2030 through the deployment of proven technologies and targeted interventions. A primary focus is the transition to clean cooking fuels, noting that 42% of global residential black carbon emissions come from seven specific countries, with the Indo-Gangetic Plains being the largest hotspot. The document emphasizes that government subsidies and favorable policies, such as India's Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana scheme, are essential for the adoption of clean fuels.

The document argues that fossil fuel production is the primary driver of the climate emergency and must be directly addressed in NDCs to meet the 1.5°C temperature limit. It proposes a comprehensive framework of commitments, including phasing out extraction, ending new licenses, and redirecting subsidies, while emphasizing a just transition for workers and developing nations. The memo justifies these inclusions through the Paris Agreement's purpose, the UNFCCC's precautionary principle, and recent outcomes like the COP28 Global Stocktake.

The briefing contends that the UNFCCC and Paris Agreement are insufficient for phasing out fossil fuels due to a lack of mention of specific fuels, a consensus-based decision model, and a focus on emissions rather than production. It proposes a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty to address these gaps, noting that a bloc of eight nations, including Vanuatu and Tuvalu, is already calling for such a coalition.

The document asserts that the climate crisis is exacerbated by 'corporate and elite capture' of political processes, where narrow interests from polluting industries influence governments to resist urgent economic transformation. It highlights how this influence manifests through lobbying, funding, and 'revolving doors,' and argues that underlying power imbalances created by neoliberal trade and investment liberalisation prioritise short-term corporate profits over environmental protection and human well-being. The briefing specifically critiques the trajectory of the UNFCCC and the promotion of 'false solutions' like carbon capture and storage and nuclear energy.

The document outlines a framework for climate equity, asserting that developed nations owe an ecological debt to developing nations due to historical overconsumption. It advocates for a global carbon budget apportioned by responsibility, capacity, and the right to sustainable societies, while calling for a systemic shift away from neoliberalism toward community-owned energy and agroecology to limit global warming to 1.5°C.

The document advocates for a global carbon budget distributed according to historical responsibility, capacity, and the right to sustainable societies. It asserts that developed countries owe a climate debt to developing nations and must provide funding and technology without intellectual property restrictions. It calls for a systemic shift away from neoliberalism and fossil fuels toward community-owned renewable energy and agroecology to limit global warming to 1.5°C.

The document defines climate equity as the fair sharing of the global carbon budget, emphasizing that developed countries bear a 'historical responsibility' due to their past emissions and resource exploitation. It advocates for limiting global temperature rise to 1.5°C, which requires an immediate revolution in energy, food, and transport systems. The text calls for a 'system change' over mere climate change, proposing a transition away from neoliberalism and fossil fuels toward community-controlled renewable energy and agroecology, while urging the UN to enforce equitable responsibility among nations.