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The document outlines the mechanics of consensus-building within the UNFCCC, emphasizing the human element of negotiations. It provides guidance for negotiators on knowing their national 'red lines', mastering technical substance, and building trust through transparency. It also highlights the challenges faced by new negotiators, such as complex schedules and technical jargon, and suggests capacity-building measures like mentoring and the use of external policy briefs to facilitate smoother international cooperation.

The document examines the AAU market from 2008 to 2012, focusing on how Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries used Green Investment Schemes (GIS) to transform 'hot air'—surplus emission rights resulting from economic downturns—into funding for climate mitigation. It analyzes the strategies of seller countries like Estonia and the Czech Republic, which were successful due to transparent monitoring, and buyer countries like Japan and Spain, which used these deals for technology exports. The report highlights a significant price drop in AAUs by 2012 and discusses the potential for GIS to inform future fund-based mechanisms like NAMAs in developing countries.

The report argues that current international climate targets often rely on incoherent 'effort-sharing' models rather than ethical budget-sharing. It proposes a framework where the global greenhouse gas budget to 2050 is back-calculated from 1990 and divided among nations based on their 1990 share of the global population. Under this model, the EU would have a budget of 204 billion tonnes, of which 57% was used by 2012. The author advocates for international emissions trading of fossil and industrial CO2 to reconcile national responsibilities with cost-effective abatement opportunities. For the EU, the report suggests a domestic trajectory aligned with the 2050 Low Carbon Roadmap (-25% by 2020, -40% by 2030, -60% by 2040, and -80% by 2050) as a minimum unilateral commitment.

The report argues that the EU ETS has failed to drive domestic emissions reductions due to a cap set against inflated projections and a flood of low-quality offsets. It finds that the system is now cancelling out approximately 700 million tonnes of abatement from other EU policies. The author recommends the permanent removal of 1.7 billion allowances from Phase 3 auctions to restore environmental integrity and increase Europe's 2020 climate target to 30% below 1990 levels.

A coalition of environmental and human rights organizations requests that the UN Independent Expert on Human Rights and the Environment examine the Barro Blanco dam project in Panama. The authors argue that the project, registered under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), has proceeded without adequate consultation with the indigenous Ngäbe people, leading to threats to their land, culture, and physical security, including state-sponsored violence against environmental defenders.

A coalition of NGOs requests that UN Special Rapporteur James Anaya intervene in the Barro Blanco hydroelectric project in Panama to protect the Ngäbe people from imminent threats to their territories and physical security. The document argues that the project, expected to be completed by May 2014, will flood indigenous lands and cultural sites, and was approved despite failures in environmental impact assessments and stakeholder consultation. It further highlights reports of police violence against protestors and the Panamanian government's failure to fulfill a March 2012 agreement regarding an expert assessment of the project's controversies.

A group of international and local NGOs is urging the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to intervene in the Barro Blanco hydroelectric project in Panama. They claim the project threatens the Ngäbe people's territories, culture, and physical security, citing failures in environmental impact assessments and a lack of free, prior and informed consent. The coalition highlights state-sponsored violence against protestors and the Panamanian government's failure to implement a promised expert assessment of the project's impacts.

The report evaluates the 'Doha Gateway' decisions from a human rights perspective, noting that while human rights are not explicitly mentioned in the Doha outcomes, they are referenced via the Cancun Agreements. The analysis covers mitigation ambition, loss and damage mechanisms, REDD+ safeguards, the Clean Development Mechanism's lack of appeals processes, public participation under Article 6, and the adoption of 'gender balance' over 'gender equality'.

The document consists of open letters sent to major European airlines, specifically exemplified by a letter to Lufthansa, requesting that they avoid using industrial gas credits from HFC-23 and adipic acid projects. The authors argue that these credits lack environmental integrity, do not represent real emissions reductions, and undermine the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) and the Montreal Protocol.

Carbon Market Watch argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) is facing a market collapse due to low demand and an over-supply of non-additional carbon credits. The organization urges a fundamental reform of additionality requirements, the shortening of crediting periods, and the establishment of human rights standards and grievance mechanisms. It further recommends strengthening civil society participation, addressing conflicts of interest among Designated Operational Entities (DOEs), and improving the governance and codes of conduct of the CDM Executive Board.

The document discusses the outcome of the COP18 meeting in Doha concerning the approximately 13 billion tonnes of CO2-equivalent surplus assigned amount units (AAUs) from the Kyoto Protocol's first commitment period (2008-2012). It identifies Russia, Ukraine, and Poland as the largest holders of these surpluses and notes that without restrictions, these units could allow countries to meet their second commitment period (2013-2020) targets without taking further action. The text outlines the various proposals from the African Group, AOSIS, Brazil, the G-77 and China, and Switzerland, as well as the internal EU compromise reached between countries seeking strict limits (Germany, UK, Denmark) and Poland.

The document discusses the tension between the EU's unilateral inclusion of international aviation in its Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) and the need for a global agreement via ICAO. It warns against the use of low-quality offset credits, specifically industrial gas offsets and non-additional CDM credits, arguing that any global mechanism must prioritize real, permanent, and verified emissions reductions over supplementary offsets.

Carbon Market Watch outlines critical reforms needed for the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) review at COP-19. The author warns that failure to address quality issues, particularly regarding additionality, could lead to an over-supply of more than 4 gigatonnes of CO2 offsets and drive prices below 1 EURO. Key recommendations include transitioning away from large-scale power supply projects, moving beyond pure offsetting to avoid double counting, shortening crediting periods to match technology lifespans, and establishing human rights standards. The document also calls for improved sustainable development monitoring, strengthened civil society participation through a CDM Ombudsman, and a restructuring of auditor payment to eliminate conflicts of interest.

The document argues that Joint Implementation (JI) requires significant reform to prevent the 'laundering' of surplus emission units and to ensure that credits represent real, additional greenhouse gas reductions. CAN-I recommends a single unified track with stringent oversight, the prohibition of using first commitment period (CP1) Assigned Amount Units (AAUs) to shadow credits during the transition to the second commitment period (CP2), and the implementation of mandatory independent audits for baselines and 'positive lists'. It further calls for a robust appeals process that allows NGOs to challenge project approvals and a mandatory 30-day public comment period for monitoring reports.

The document identifies short-lived climate pollutants (SLCPs)—including black carbon, methane, tropospheric ozone, and hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs)—as gases and particulates with atmospheric lifetimes of less than 20 years that contribute to approximately half of global warming. It argues that while CO2 reduction is vital for long-term stability, SLCP mitigation offers faster results to slow the rate of warming, particularly in sensitive regions like the Arctic and Himalayas. The text details the specific radiative forcing and warming potentials of these pollutants, their primary sources (such as oil and gas production and biomass burning), and the associated co-benefits for food security and public health.

The document analyzes Canada's 2012 carbon policy transition, marked by the official withdrawal from the Kyoto Protocol and the implementation of federal sector-based regulations for transport and coal-fired electricity. It highlights a growing trend toward 'equivalency agreements' where the federal government defers to provincial policies, potentially leading to a fragmented national landscape. The report also notes provincial initiatives, such as Quebec's cap-and-trade linkage with California and Ontario's coal phase-out, while recommending greater compliance flexibility and a clearer federal policy vision to reduce costs and meet 2020 targets.

The COP18 summit in Doha resulted in incremental progress, primarily the agreement of a second commitment period for the Kyoto Protocol (KP2) from 2013 to 2020. While the EU and several other nations committed to an average emission reduction of 18% below 1990 levels, major emitters including the US, China, Russia, Japan, Canada, and New Zealand did not approve or opposed the commitment. The summit failed to establish a concrete roadmap for the $100 billion annual climate finance target for 2020, though it introduced a new agreement to establish an international mechanism for "loss and damage" by COP19. The document highlights ongoing tensions regarding the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC) and the dispute over "hot air" carbon credits, particularly involving Poland and the EU.

The document examines how Taiwan can engage with international carbon markets despite not being a party to the UNFCCC or the Kyoto Protocol. It analyzes formal eligibility requirements and material 'market readiness' conditions across various systems, including the EU ETS, RGGI, WCI, and others. The study suggests that while formal treaty-based access is restricted, Taiwan can utilize indirect participation, bilateral cooperation, and the development of a robust domestic cap-and-trade system with absolute targets to facilitate future linkage.

The briefing argues that any ICAO market-based measure must rely on stringent requirements to ensure emissions reductions are real, permanent, additional, and verified. It recommends that only UNFCCC-guided offset credits be eligible, while specifically advising against the use of Joint Implementation (JI) credits, voluntary market offsets, and bilateral mechanisms due to quality and oversight concerns. Furthermore, it warns that any cap-and-trade system must avoid over-allocation and prohibits the use of surplus allowances from oversupplied schemes like the EU ETS to maintain environmental integrity.

The Warsaw Conference (COP 19) achieved several technical milestones but failed to secure ambitious new mitigation commitments or a clear financial roadmap. Key outcomes included the creation of the Warsaw International Mechanism for loss and damage and the Warsaw Framework for REDD+, alongside a draft for a universal agreement to be finalized in Paris. However, the event was marked by reduced mitigation goals from Japan and the removal of carbon taxes in Australia, highlighting a persistent divide between developed and developing nations over the priority of funding versus emission cuts.