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The Canadian Climate Institute finds that Canada is lagging behind its major global trading partners in the adoption of key climate and sustainable finance policies. While Canada has implemented carbon pricing and net-zero commitments, it lacks a national taxonomy, mandatory climate disclosure, and formal transition plan frameworks. This policy gap risks increasing costs for Canadian businesses and hindering their ability to compete in markets that are increasingly aligning around carbon neutrality and transparent climate risk reporting.

The waste sector accounts for approximately 20% of global anthropogenic methane emissions, equivalent to 5.4 Gt CO2e annually. This guide proposes a policy matrix organized by the solid waste management (SWM) chain to help policymakers implement a combination of legislative, market-based, voluntary, and educational tools. Key strategies include waste prevention, organic waste diversion (composting and anaerobic digestion), and improved landfill engineering (gas capture and biocovers). The document emphasizes that meeting the 1.5 degrees Celsius warming limit requires a comprehensive approach across the entire SWM chain rather than isolated solutions. It provides case studies from Colombia, Germany, India, Italy, Perú, the Republic of Korea, and the United States to illustrate how different nations layer these policy tools to reduce emissions.

The report examines the implementation of the EU Methane Regulation, specifically focusing on the need for a 'trace-and-claim' system to track the origin and emissions intensity of imported oil, gas, and coal. It argues that traditional 'book-and-claim' systems are insufficient because they decouple environmental attributes from actual fuel volumes, which would undermine the regulation's goal of incentivizing emissions reductions at the source. The proposed trace-and-claim approach uses unique digital IDs and standardized sale and purchase agreements to 'follow the money' rather than the molecules. The document also proposes a future 'Emissions Reduction Trading' component to help producers meet the 0.2% emissions performance standard mandated for 2030.

The document analyzes the implementation of Article 6 of the Paris Agreement, focusing on the distinctions between the bilateral/multilateral trades of Article 6.2 and the UN-overseen global market of Article 6.4. It highlights critical loopholes, including the risk of double counting in aviation offsetting (CORSIA), the lack of oversight for Article 6.2 trades, and the potential for 'junk' credits from the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to transition into the new system. The author argues for stricter authorization processes, mandatory transparency, and a 'firewall' between carbon markets and the new climate finance package being negotiated at COP29.

The document highlights the critical role of China's iron and steel sector in the global carbon budget, noting that current emission trajectories could exhaust the sector's projected budget in 5-12 years. It advocates for the development of industry-level targets derived from China's national goals of carbon peaking by 2030 and carbon neutrality by 2060, supported by technological feasibility assessments and synergistic mechanisms involving trading, financing, and carbon asset management.

The document identifies that up to 40% of Sweden's population is at high risk of being adversely affected by low-carbon transport transitions, particularly those in low-density areas and those at risk of poverty. It argues that transition policies must be tailored to socioeconomic and geographic factors to avoid exacerbating inequalities and political resistance. The authors propose a framework of four key strategies—structural transport design, group-tailored assistance, mitigation of external vulnerabilities, and continuous evaluation—to ensure a socially equitable and politically viable transition to net-zero emissions by 2045.

The NZ–EU FTA represents a significant shift in trade policy by integrating enforceable sustainability and climate goals into a legally binding framework. Most notably, it is the first agreement for both parties to allow trade sanctions for breaches of commitments to the Paris Agreement. The agreement also includes the EU's first FTA articles on fossil fuel subsidy reform and harmful fisheries subsidies, as well as enforceable gender commitments. Additionally, it establishes a cooperation chapter on sustainable food systems covering organic farming and biodiversity. The author argues that this integration of trade and climate policy signals a future where trade negotiators must be proficient in sustainability to maintain a social licence to operate.

The European Court of Justice (ECJ) dismissed an appeal by 37 youth claimants who argued that the EU's climate regime violated fundamental rights and international obligations. The court rejected the claims on standing grounds, ruling that the applicants did not meet the 'individual concern' requirement under Article 263 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). The court maintained that the general effects of climate change do not grant individual standing to challenge measures of general application.

Carbon Market Watch advocates for a dual approach to carbon market activism, combining the exposure of 'brazen greenwashing'—such as 'carbon-neutral fossil fuels'—with active participation in governance bodies like the TSVCM and VCMI to ensure human rights and accounting integrity.

The success of COP26 is heavily dependent on resolving climate finance disputes, specifically the fulfillment of the $100 billion annual goal for developing countries. Beyond this, the agenda includes establishing a post-2025 quantified finance goal, increasing adaptation funding, and addressing loss and damage. Parallel to formal UNFCCC negotiations, private sector initiatives like the Glasgow Financial Alliance for Net Zero and political signals regarding the cessation of fossil fuel investments are expected to influence the outcome.

The report highlights a regulatory gap where residential fossil-fuel appliances emit significantly more nitrogen oxides than gas-fired power plants despite the latter being regulated. It asserts that the EPA can use Section 111(b) of the Clean Air Act to establish nationwide performance standards for these appliances, citing electric-heat-pump technology as a demonstrated means of emission reduction and suggesting a system of emissions averaging and trading for manufacturers.

The Canadian Climate Institute's review of carbon pricing in Canada finds that while progress is being made, the current 'patchwork' of systems suffers from uneven price signals, inconsistent emissions coverage, and a lack of transparency. The report recommends establishing a common standard for emissions coverage, replacing point-of-sale rebates with direct revenue recycling, and aligning benchmarks for large emitter programs to reduce competitiveness risks and emissions leakage.

The report argues that emissions trading mechanisms under Article 6 of the Paris Agreement risk undermining global mitigation ambition and causing human rights violations. It proposes three essential policy pillars—robust public participation, social and environmental safeguards, and independent grievance mechanisms—as prerequisites for any such framework. The document highlights failures in previous systems like the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and provides examples of 'good policies' from development finance institutions to guide the UNFCCC in creating a rights-compliant rulebook.

The report analyzes how right-wing actors, particularly the AfD, instrumentalized the climate debate during the 2021 German federal election. It finds that while the AfD published the lowest percentage of climate-related content, its posts achieved significantly higher engagement than those of other parties. The study identifies a shift from outright climate denial toward a 'culture war' strategy, using disinformation narratives such as 'denial and delay' and 'absolution' to frame climate action as a threat to the German lifestyle. The analysis also highlights a stark platform divide, with Twitter predominantly hosting pro-climate messages and Facebook serving as a hub for climate-skeptical content.

Clean Air Task Force argues that the EPA's proposed ozone reductions are insufficient, urging the agency to address the 2015 ozone standard, expand NOx controls to industrial and transportation sectors, and analyze the environmental justice impacts of power plant emissions and trading programs.

Article 6 of the Paris Agreement establishes frameworks for international carbon markets, allowing countries to trade emissions reductions to meet their nationally determined contributions (NDCs). While it offers potential cost savings of $250 billion per year by 2030 and can catalyze private finance, poor design risks increasing global emissions through double-counting and a lack of additionality. Key points of contention for negotiators include the application of 'corresponding adjustments' to prevent double-counting, the implementation of 'overall mitigation in global emissions' (OMGE), the 'share of proceeds' for the Adaptation Fund, and the potential carryover of up to 4 billion pre-2020 Kyoto Protocol units.

The research identifies 66 carbon pricing policies globally, categorising adopting polities into five clusters: early adopters, North-American states and provinces, Chinese pilot provinces, second-wave developed polities, and second-wave developing polities. The authors conclude that there is no 'one-size-fits-all' approach to promoting carbon pricing, as different economic, political, and policy variables drive adoption across different clusters. However, they identify general facilitators, including economic crises, UNFCCC commitments, regional learning, and a preference for emissions trading in carbon-intensive economies.

The report examines the 'architecture of impunity' that allows transnational corporations (TNCs) to evade legal accountability for human rights and environmental violations. It specifically critiques the European Union for acting as a key opponent to the UN Open-Ended Intergovernmental Working Group's (OEIGWG) efforts to establish a legally binding treaty, instead promoting voluntary Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and 'multi-stakeholderism'. The document details how 'corporate capture' occurs within EU and UN institutions, where private sector interests shape the regulations intended to govern them. This is illustrated through case studies of European TNCs—including Shell, Engie, and Glencore—operating in the Global South, where the report claims they outsource severe impacts while using CSR to deflect criticism. The report highlights the 2017 French 'duty of vigilance' law as a rare successful example of binding national legislation against this trend.

The document examines Chile's trade policy, highlighting its preference for bilateral and regional free trade agreements (FTAs) over certain plurilateral agreements. It details Chile's strategic shift toward services trade to compensate for a diminished manufacturing base and analyzes the economic rationale behind its participation in the Trade in Services Agreement (TiSA) and its non-participation in the Government Procurement Agreement (GPA), Environmental Goods Agreement (EGA), and Information Technology Agreement (ITA-II).

The document analyzes how biophysical climate impacts and international trade shifts threaten employment in South Africa's chemicals sub-sector, while identifying job creation potential through mitigation and adaptation interventions.