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The paper contends that while green industrial policy is often criticized for enabling rent-seeking, the creation of rents is necessary to incentivize investment in high-risk green technologies where markets fail. It proposes shifting the policy focus toward 'rent management'—the strategic process of defining, offering, and eventually withdrawing extra profits—to ensure a transition to a low-carbon economy despite high technological uncertainty and long investment horizons.

The paper argues that Africa's institutional crisis stems from a mismatch between Western-imported formal institutions and local socio-cultural realities, compounded by a colonial legacy of authoritarianism and neo-patrimonialism. It identifies operational failures such as weak state capacity, toxic leadership, and political apathy. Using Botswana as a positive example, the author suggests that resilient institutions require economic diversification to reduce rent-seeking, the establishment of 'embedded autonomy' for the bureaucracy, and a new generation of ethical, visionary leaders.

The document argues that while PPPs are often viewed as a means to access private capital, the primary goal should be maximizing value for money (VFM). It challenges the assumption that PPPs must be 100 per cent privately financed, suggesting that a hybrid structure—combining low-cost public financing with private capital—can reduce the weighted average cost of capital (WACC) without sacrificing risk transfer. By applying and then critiquing the Modigliani-Miller theorem, the author asserts that in practice, private lenders do not significantly increase their rates when public financing is introduced, allowing for a more cost-effective project structure. The paper concludes that an optimal capital structure minimizes private financing to the level required for bankability and concessionaire incentive (net security), thereby reducing the total cost to society.

The paper evaluates whether intensity standards for energy-intensive and trade-exposed (EITE) industries are an efficient alternative to uniform carbon taxes in the US. Using a computable general equilibrium (CGE) model, the authors find that while lax standards may slightly reduce leakage, stringent standards can actually increase carbon leakage and lead to substantial welfare losses compared to economy-wide emission pricing. The study concludes that intensity standards are primarily driven by political economy considerations rather than economic efficiency.

The report investigates the potential for a Market Stability Reserve (MSR) to address market and regulatory failures in the EU ETS, such as limited banking capacity and regulatory myopia. Through a model comparison exercise involving twelve institutions, the authors assess different MSR designs—including the European Commission's proposal, an 'Early Start' version, and price-based mechanisms—across indicators of efficiency, price credibility, consistency, transformation, and robustness. The findings suggest that an MSR generally improves performance, with an Early Start MSR (2017) offering superior benefits over the 2021 proposal. The report emphasizes that the effectiveness of quantity-based MSRs depends heavily on setting trigger levels that accommodate the hedging needs of market participants, suggesting the use of REMIT Directive data for future adjustments.

The paper explores the shift in African governance from a policy of 'non-interference' to a proactive 'good governance' approach, largely driven by international donor conditionality and the end of the Cold War. It analyzes the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a tool for African-led governance reform and the increasing, though inconsistent, role of civil society in these processes. The author concludes that while good governance is a desirable condition, there is limited empirical evidence to prove it is the ultimate prerequisite for sustainable development in Africa.

The research examines how the physical and economic characteristics of natural resources predispose them to be exploited by warring factions in Africa. It posits that resources requiring low specialized skills, high portability, and high liquidity (like alluvial diamonds) are more likely to fuel conflict. Conversely, capital-intensive resources (like deep-level gold or oil) are less attractive to rebels but can still be linked to conflict through state weakness and elite rent-seeking. The author emphasizes that while resource characteristics create vulnerabilities, the state's capacity to manage grievances and maintain territorial control determines whether these vulnerabilities lead to actual conflict.

The document examines the debate over whether economic growth can be decoupled from environmental degradation or if a transition to 'degrowth' and post-consumerism is necessary. It contrasts 'ecological modernisation'—which relies on green technology and efficiency—with 'green radicalism,' which advocates for sufficiency and cultural shifts. The text applies these theories to specific national contexts, arguing that while some developed nations may be entering a post-consumerist era due to economic instability, others, like Croatia, still require green growth to ensure social stability. It concludes that a sustainable future requires redistributing wealth, sharing work, and moving beyond the 'productivist compromise' of the post-war era.

The text critiques the universal imposition of intellectual property rights, such as the ACTA treaty, arguing that they are counter-productive and undemocratic. It proposes a 'collaborative economy' based on the concept of the commons, where digitised knowledge is treated as a non-rival good. The author suggests that alternatives like open-source licenses and 'software as a service' business models provide sustainable paths for innovation and distribution, contrasting these with the 'old' concept of scarcity and the restrictive legal measures used by traditional industries.

The author analyzes the collapse of the liberal-productivist model, which combined neoliberal deregulation with a drive for continuous material growth. This model failed due to a convergence of financial debt crises and ecological constraints, specifically the 'energy-climate crisis' and food price volatility. The author proposes a 'Green Deal' characterized by a shift toward labor-intensive green investments, a reduction in working hours, and a global cooperative framework for greenhouse gas (GHG) quotas. To fund this transition, the document suggests the 'monetization of debts'—canceling or rescheduling old debts while directing new credit toward green conversion. The text warns that without a democratic, cooperative transition, the world risks repeating the 1930s' slide into fascism or totalitarianism.

The document evaluates the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung (KAS) guidelines, which are based on the German 'social market economy' and 'Ordoliberal' traditions, as a potential navigational system for the G20. The author argues that while a common set of principles is necessary to prevent a default to mercantilism, the KAS framework must be pragmatically adapted to accommodate the divergent national interests and political systems of emerging powers. Key tensions identified include the conflict between Western liberal values and the authoritarian governance of states like China and Russia, as well as disagreements over private property, competition regulation, and the role of the state. The author concludes that the G20 can only succeed if developed nations cede real power and the framework focuses on economic co-operation rather than imposing Western political norms.

The paper argues that Earth system interactions can be governed through comprehensive governance packages across different sub-systems and levels. It identifies three primary governance functions to manage these interactions: reducing system stress, risks, and vulnerabilities; navigating the transformation of economic activity; and developing a diversity of options. The analysis specifically considers the challenges of applying the planetary boundaries framework to the EU region to avoid shifting environmental problems from one sub-system to another.

The document assesses how communication and marketing strategies, framed through an ecologic model of public health, can be used to drive population behavior changes and policy support necessary for climate change mitigation and adaptation. While it concludes that these interventions have significant potential, it emphasizes an urgent need for more translational research to implement them effectively.

The report argues that climate economics lags behind climate science, often relying on outdated damage functions and oversimplified cost-benefit frameworks. It advocates for a shift toward standards-based (precautionary) decision-making to avoid catastrophic tipping points, such as the collapse of ice sheets or the Amazon rainforest. The authors recommend that models incorporate endogenous technological change, explicit discount rate justifications, and regional equity considerations to provide policy-relevant guidance for staying below a 2°C warming threshold.

The document analyzes how African foreign policy is shaped by a persistent state of economic and military weakness, leading to a high dependency on external aid. This dependency often compromises national sovereignty and links domestic governance to international relations. The author identifies a strong continental preference for multilateralism and collective action—exemplified by the African Union and NEPAD—as a means to counterbalance Western influence and resist external domination. However, the paper notes that this collective approach is often hampered by a lack of political will, the influence of individual leaders, and the persistence of illiberal governance. It also highlights a shift in ideological frameworks, with many African states moving away from state-led development toward market-based systems and increased engagement with global investors, particularly China.

The document examines the 'source problem' (energy supply) and 'sink problem' (pollution) within endogenous growth frameworks. It argues that while resource scarcity can drag down growth, it also creates incentives for directed technological change and efficiency gains that can sustain long-run development. The authors compare stylized analytical models with complex CGE-models, noting that the latter are better for sector-specific policy analysis but often act as 'black-boxes'.

Integrative design applies engineering principles to whole systems rather than individual components, potentially creating expanding returns on energy efficiency investments where large-scale savings cost less than smaller, conventional gains.

The document examines the role of global governance in Africa's mining sector, focusing on the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), the Kimberley Process (KP), and the Diamond Development Initiative (DDI). It argues that while these initiatives promote ethical corporate behavior and transparency, they face significant challenges in monitoring, compliance, and addressing human rights abuses. The author highlights a disconnect between mineral wealth and human development, noting that countries like the DRC, Angola, and Sierra Leone remain low in Human Development Index rankings despite their resources.

The paper argues that climate change is a global public bad requiring coordinated public-sector intervention. It posits that 'knowledge communities'—groups of experts who produce and share scientific information—are essential for driving the paradigm shifts and technological adoption needed for mitigation. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) is highlighted as a primary catalyst for this global learning process. The authors also analyze economic instruments for emission reduction, such as the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS), taxes, and standards, while noting the difficulties of international cooperation under frameworks like the Kyoto Protocol.

The paper argues that Negishi weighting is a critical but often opaque ethical assumption in climate-economics models that effectively freezes the current global distribution of income. By assigning higher weights to the welfare of richer regions, these models suppress the inherent tendency of utilitarian welfare functions to recommend income redistribution from rich to poor regions. The author contends that this creates a political bias in policy advice, as the resulting 'optimal' scenarios are only optimal in a world where income redistribution is considered impossible or forbidden. The document suggests alternatives, including increasing transparency, allowing for redistribution in models, optimizing for money rather than utility, or using non-welfare-optimizing IAMs.