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The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) asserts that current draft National energy and climate plans (NECPs) are insufficient for meeting the EU's 2030 targets. The organization calls for Member States to adopt technology-neutral strategies, increase financial transparency, and provide detailed roadmaps for carbon capture, methane mitigation, and nuclear energy before the June 30, 2024, submission deadline.

The report finds that many of the world's largest fossil fuel producers fail to address the transition of the fossil fuel sector in their climate plans. It argues that third-generation NDCs must include specific targets, pathways, and policies to wind down production in alignment with the COP 28 agreement to ensure a just and orderly transition.

The document evaluates civil society engagement during the 2020-2021 NDC revision process in Mozambique, South Africa, and Zambia. It identifies significant barriers to inclusivity, including the digital divide during COVID-19, technical complexity of climate policy, and inadequate government communication. To improve the 2025 revisions, the briefing recommends diversifying engagement methods (such as 'imbizo' gatherings), enhancing technical capacity for civil society organisations (CSOs), and fostering regional peer learning to protect the livelihoods of marginalised communities.

The document argues that current EU public procurement policy, particularly the voluntary approach of the 'Classic Directive', is ineffective at achieving sustainability goals. It recommends a dual approach: introducing binding targets, procedural requirements, and monitoring in horizontal legislation, while implementing sector-specific mandatory minimum requirements in sectoral legislation. The briefing highlights that public procurement represents 14% of EU GDP and 15% of its global greenhouse gas emissions, making it a critical lever for the green transition.

The policy brief identifies critical gaps in how commercial DNA and RNA synthesis providers conduct follow-up screening when orders are flagged for sequences of concern. It highlights a lack of specialized software tools, the absence of verifiable standards for customer legitimacy, and poor information-sharing infrastructure between providers and law enforcement. To mitigate biosecurity risks, the authors propose that the US government support third-party 'Know Your Customer' (KYC) services, develop decision-support software, standardize data formats for flagged orders, mandate secure information sharing, and require a second institutional approver for high-risk orders.

The Institute for Economic Justice (IEJ) asserts that South Africa has failed to mobilise its maximum available resources, leading to unnecessary cuts in social service spending. The brief proposes a shift toward proactive resource mobilisation, specifically through taxing wealth and financial transactions, restoring Corporate Income Tax rates, and reducing tax exemptions for the wealthy. It further suggests renegotiating debt terms and leveraging reserves to create a more equitable economic framework and fulfill constitutional and international socioeconomic obligations.

The document argues that the EU's 2040 climate target must include a specific methane reduction target of at least 44% to prevent crossing irreversible tipping points and limit warming to 1.5 ºC. The authors express concern over the removal of a proposed 30% reduction target for non-CO2 emissions in agriculture and call for mandatory mitigation measures across the agriculture, waste, and energy sectors, including the regulation of imported fossil fuels.

The document argues that Canada's current pesticide trajectory is incompatible with its international commitments to reduce pesticide risk by half by 2030. It identifies a significant increase in pesticide sales—up 47% since 2011—and criticizes the Pest Management Regulatory Agency (PMRA) for failing to systematically manage overall risks. The authors propose eleven priorities, including phasing out hazardous active ingredients, prohibiting cosmetic pesticide use, strengthening protections for species at risk, and expanding environmental monitoring to include cumulative risks and non-active ingredients.

The document argues that while African nations have submitted ambitious Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), they face a massive climate finance gap and high debt burdens that hinder a just energy transition. It critiques previous G20 presidencies for treating developing countries as a monolith and failing to address Africa's specific needs, such as the disparity between mitigation and adaptation funding. The brief recommends that the Brazilian and South African G20 presidencies focus on increasing the flow and quality of finance through concessional capital, debt-for-nature swaps, and the re-channeling of special drawing rights, while also enhancing Africa's participation in carbon markets and attracting private sector investment.

The document analyzes the EU Regulation on Deforestation-Free Products (EUDR), highlighting its shift toward mandatory due diligence for commodities like cattle, cocoa, coffee, oil palm, rubber, soya, and wood. It argues that while the EUDR is a significant step, it contains gaps regarding ecosystem coverage and the exclusion of financial institutions. The paper recommends expanding the regulation to include high-carbon biomes (such as savannahs and grasslands) and financial institutions to ensure capital flows toward sustainable agriculture. It also warns of a 'two-tier commodity trading system' where high-risk products are diverted to markets with less restrictive rules, such as the US and China, and emphasizes the need for collaborative frameworks with producer countries like Brazil, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Finally, it suggests using transition plans and third-party certifications, including the Climate Bonds Standard, to facilitate compliance and mobilize investment for a net-zero transition.

The document positions cities as central actors in the global movement to end fossil fuel dependence, noting that while they are major emitters, they can lead through 'city diplomacy' and local policy. It outlines 21 key recommendations divided into two main categories: enhancing city diplomacy and removing the 'social licence' of the fossil fuel industry, and implementing sectoral decarbonisation in transportation, energy, the built environment, and waste management. The brief emphasizes that urban action must be coupled with national-level pressure to ensure a just transition for workers and marginalized communities.

The World Association for Christian Communication (WACC) and 25 partners from Asia, Africa, and the Middle East convened in Kathmandu, Nepal, in October 2024 to analyze the UN Global Digital Compact. The resulting report argues that the Compact lacks explicit mention of 'communication rights' and fails to address the human-driven nature of technology and its environmental impacts. The document provides detailed recommendations to ensure the digital transition prioritizes the public good over private profit, promotes gender intersectionality, addresses climate justice, and protects the rights of migrants.

The Council on Strategic Risks (CSR) reports on the 2023 status of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BWC), noting a breakthrough in consensus at the previous year's Review Conference despite a difficult geopolitical climate. The document advocates for the establishment of a multi-layered verification mechanism, the creation of an International Agency for Biological Safety, and the development of independent scientific assessment tools. It highlights successful BWC universalization efforts in Africa led by the ISU and UNODA, while warning that baseless non-compliance allegations undermine the treaty's goodwill.

The IISD welcomes the launch of a new coalition for fossil fuel subsidy (FFS) reform at COP 28, which aims to increase transparency, evaluate barriers to reform, and develop national phase-out strategies. However, the IISD warns that public financial support for fossil fuels reached a record USD 1.7 trillion in 2022 and notes that only 16 countries have included FFS reform in their current nationally determined contributions (NDCs). To ensure success, the IISD recommends establishing a 2025 deadline for FFS removal in OECD countries and 2030 for non-OECD countries, reinvesting savings into just transition programs, and avoiding narrow definitions of subsidies that have historically delayed action.

The policy brief argues that existing coal retirement mechanisms (CRMs) in Asia and Africa are failing to translate pledges into funding and effective plant closures. It identifies barriers such as the prevalence of non-concessional loans, the risk of 'emission leakage,' and the moral hazard of incentivizing new coal build-out. To address these, Reclaim Finance and 11 partner organizations propose ten principles, which include an immediate stop to coal expansion finance, the replacement of coal with renewables rather than gas, the prohibition of tradeable carbon offsets, and the requirement for transparent, auction-based retirement processes.

The report highlights a significant gap between government rhetoric and action regarding fossil fuel subsidies, noting that world governments provided a record USD 1.3 trillion in such subsidies in 2022. It critiques current UNFCCC commitments for lacking deadlines and clear definitions of "inefficient" subsidies. The authors propose several pathways for action at COP 28 and beyond, including the adoption of a 'cover decision', integrating subsidy reform into the first global stocktake, and requiring more ambitious, time-bound commitments in updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). The document also suggests leveraging climate finance discussions, such as the 'net climate finance' concept and the new collective quantified goal (NCQG), to address public financial flows to fossil fuels.

The document analyzes the progress of the Glasgow-Sharm-el Sheikh (GlaSS) work program and proposes four critical requirements for the Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA) framework at COP 28: a qualitative overarching statement for impact, the integration of means of implementation (MoI) for effectiveness, explicit gender and human rights considerations for equity, and clarified roles for further technical and political work for legitimacy. It emphasizes that the GGA must be operationalizable through national monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) systems to avoid maladaptation and increased losses and damages.

The Canadian Climate Institute argues that for the federal government's progress report on the 2030 Emissions Reduction Plan to be effective, it must provide exhaustive updates on policy implementation, emissions forecasts based on concrete policies rather than extrapolations, transparent modeling assumptions, and a commitment to developing a comprehensive set of progress indicators.

The report examines the intersection of gender equality and mine closure, noting that women often face disproportionate negative impacts during the post-mining transition, including increased gender-based violence and economic vulnerability. It argues that conventional environmental and social impact assessments (ESIAs) often lack gender responsiveness. The document provides a framework for integrating gender-based analysis (GBA) and inclusive community engagement across the mine life cycle—from pre-mining planning and land-use decisions to the transition of workers in the service and supply sectors. It concludes with specific recommendations for governments to develop gender mining strategies and mandate the use of GBA in regulatory processes.

The document argues that IFI loans, such as those from the World Bank and IMF, pose risks to South Africa's economic stability and human rights. It calls for parliamentary oversight, public disclosure of agreements, and gender-responsive budgeting to prevent austerity and protect vulnerable populations.