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The report evaluates the African Union's (AU) limited capacity to intervene in crises due to principles of national sovereignty and subsidiarity. It details the unraveling political alliance in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the conceptual and operational failures of the 'Silencing the Guns in Africa 2020' initiative, and identifies high-risk elections and conflicts in countries such as South Sudan, Uganda, and Ethiopia for 2021. Additionally, it features an interview on the necessity of a culturally contextualized African mediation doctrine based on the AU's experience in Sudan.

The author argues that the Law and Justice (PiS) party used social policies as a 'smokescreen' to establish an authoritarian system in Poland. During the pandemic, the government introduced 'shield' legislation that attempted to exclude trade unions from layoff negotiations and grant the prime minister power to dismiss members of the Social Dialogue Council. These actions, combined with a Constitutional Tribunal ruling that significantly restricted abortion rights and the creation of 'LGBT-free zones', have alienated the working class and weakened the party's populist claim to represent the people. While the opposition has yet to fully capture the resulting undecided voters, the author suggests that defending social and reproductive rights is the primary path to challenging right-wing populism in Poland.

The pandemic has exacerbated existing infrastructure funding weaknesses in Africa, leading to potential debt defaults, as seen in Zambia's request to pause repayments on $3bn in bonds. China is a dominant creditor, with 44% of Zambia's total debt owed to it and 60% of this year's debt repayments from poor countries going to China. While China has joined the G20's Debt Service Suspension Initiative (DSSI), it prefers opaque, case-by-case negotiations and classifies some major lenders, like the China Development Bank, as commercial entities to exempt them from the initiative. The author suggests that African nations may enter deals similar to Laos's hydroelectric plant agreement—where a Chinese entity became the majority shareholder to forestall default—to avoid credit downgrades by agencies like Fitch Ratings and maintain access to capital markets, potentially increasing China's control over African state assets.

The author describes Tanzania's Covid-19 response as being characterized by a shift from initial preventive measures to a state of denial led by President John Magufuli. While the government initially formed a National Task Force and applied disaster management guidelines, it later revoked restrictions, declared the country 'coronavirus-free' in June 2020, and promoted unproven home remedies. The document highlights a lack of transparency, with the government failing to meet World Health Organization requests for data and suppressing media and opposition critics who called for lockdowns and scientific consultation.

The paper argues that Bolivia's response to Covid-19 was undermined by a deep political crisis following the disputed exit of Evo Morales and the installation of an interim government under Jeanine Áñez. This lack of legitimacy led to a deadlock between the executive and the MAS-led legislature, resulting in the failure to secure IMF loans, disputes over the legality of emergency powers, and the repeated postponement of elections. Public trust further eroded due to corruption in medical procurement and the perceived selective application of quarantine measures, leading to widespread protests and a perception that the pandemic was being politicized for electoral gain.

The author contends that the Indian government's response to Covid-19 was characterized by a lack of preparedness, the scapegoating of the Muslim community, and a sudden lockdown that stranded millions of migrant workers. The text asserts that the state leveraged the crisis to arrest activists, create a non-transparent relief fund (PM-CARES), and weaken environmental regulations through the Environment Impact Assessment Draft 2020 to favor private capital.

The Croatian parliamentary election of 5 July 2020 saw the conservative Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) maintain dominance, securing 66 seats. Despite a tight race predicted by polls, the HDZ benefited from a low voter turnout of 49.6% and the leadership of Andrej Plenković. The centre-left Restart coalition, led by the SDP, underperformed with 41 seats due to ageing policies and leadership issues. The far-right Homeland Movement gained 16 seats but failed to become a kingmaker. A significant outcome was the success of the green-left coalition Možemo, which won 7 mandates, marking the first sizeable green force in the Croatian parliament. Možemo's success is rooted in grassroots activism for environmental sustainability, social equality, and anti-corruption, serving as a potential model for similar movements in Montenegro and Serbia.

The author warns that President Alassane Ouattara's decision to seek a third term in Côte d’Ivoire, based on the claim that the 2016 constitution reset the term counter, risks triggering instability similar to the 2000 and 2010/2011 crises. The text highlights a broader trend of 'third-term' attempts in Africa, citing examples in Guinea and Burundi, and calls on the AU and ECOWAS to treat such constitutional manipulations as unconstitutional changes of government.

The briefing argues that contemporary national populists in Europe employ a systematic strategy to capture the state by eroding liberal norms, dominating the information space, and subordinating the judiciary and civil service. By treating the government as a 'contractor' for a national majority, these movements justify the removal of institutional restraints to concentrate power in the executive. The author details a multi-stage assault involving 'trolling', 'building' parallel infrastructures, and 'automating' disinformation to create a facade of democracy while maintaining an effective monopoly on power.

The authors contend that the EU suffers from diffuse accountability and a 'double deadlock' caused by a reliance on closed-door Franco-German agreements. They argue that Germany's role as a 'benevolent hegemon' is problematic because Berlin seeks to minimize costs and maximize control over debtor states while remaining reluctant to fully embrace its power. The text suggests that the only way to break this impasse is through 'transnational politics'—the creation of shifting alliances across national borders and the engagement of civil society—to replace the current 'constructive ambiguity' of European diplomacy.

The report analyzes the 2020 Burundian elections, highlighting a transition from President Pierre Nkurunziza to Evariste Ndayishimiye within the CNDD-FDD. It describes a political environment marked by an "autocratic drift," systemic repression of opposition parties like the CNL, and a fragile economy where 65% of the population lives below the poverty line. The author argues that the new president faces a "double guardianship" from Nkurunziza and a circle of powerful generals, which may hinder necessary democratic and socio-economic reforms.

President João Lourenço has made progress in opening political space and fighting corruption since taking office in 2017, but these gains are offset by a severe economic crisis and the politicisation of the military. While the anti-corruption drive has targeted the former Dos Santos elite, it is accused of lacking transparency and being used for political punishment. Angola faces a deepening recession, with oil production declining and public debt reaching 90% of GDP, leading to austerity measures that increase social tension and poverty. The report highlights risks including potential social convulsion in urban centres, low morale in the armed forces, and ongoing factionalism within the ruling MPLA party.

Since 2015, the Law and Justice (PiS) party has led Poland toward Euroscepticism and the erosion of the rule of law. The author argues that PiS's worldview creates critical contradictions: while seeking to reduce dependence on Russian gas and oil, the government has increased imports of cheaper Russian coal and lacks a strategic plan for renewable energy, leading to a rise in carbon emissions. Simultaneously, while opening the labor market to Ukrainian workers for economic reasons, PiS has overseen a deterioration in bilateral relations with Ukraine and tightened citizenship laws, potentially priming the country for a nationalistic backlash.

The text asserts that the climate imperative requires a new system of governance and production, positioning political ecology as the framework to achieve this. It calls for Green parties to move beyond electoral niches and the middle class to build an inclusive narrative of social justice and non-material freedom. The author critiques 'green growth' and the European Green Deal as insufficient, advocating instead for a comprehensive industrial and geo-economic response rooted in European cooperation but distinct from current institutional agendas.

The text calls for political ecology parties to move beyond niche politics and 'green growth' to lead a systemic overhaul of production and consumption. It identifies three primary challenges for progressive green parties: avoiding dilution while leaving opposition roles, building a broad popular base to counter far-right narratives, and creating an inclusive narrative of progress based on non-material abundance. The author critiques the European Green Deal as 'greenwashing' and advocates for Europe as the primary framework for implementing a project of reconciliation and cooperation, provided it moves beyond current institutional agendas.

The Finnish Greens have seen steady growth in support, contributing to a political environment where traditional parties no longer hold a majority. Finnish politics has shifted from an economic left-right divide toward a 'GAL-TAN' axis (Green, Alternative, and Libertarian versus Traditionalist, Authoritarian, and Nationalist), with the Greens advocating for climate action and the right-wing populist Finns Party opposing it. This polarisation makes forming coalition governments more difficult, requiring the inclusion of younger parties or broad-based cooperation. The author argues that the Greens must successfully implement large-scale Green New Deal policies to counter the rise of the populist right and prevent the adoption of 'watered-down solutions'.

The author traces the trajectory of Polish green politics, noting an initial wave of activism in the 1980s that faded during the 1990s transition due to rapid deindustrialisation and a political culture that prioritised modernisation over ecology. The text details the failure of 'neoliberal environmentalism' under the Buzek government and the subsequent struggle of the Zieloni 2004 party to overcome a restrictive electoral system. Despite these hurdles, the Greens acted as 'pioneer species' by introducing gender parity, supporting LGBT rights, and exploring 'just transition' concepts. The analysis concludes with the 2019 entry of Greens into Parliament via a coalition with Civic Platform (PO), while noting the ongoing tension between achieving political relevance and risking ideological assimilation.

The document examines Ukraine's pursuit of EU and NATO integration, contrasting the assertive rhetoric of the Poroshenko administration (2014-2019) with the more pragmatic, technocratic approach of the Zelensky administration (2019-present). It details the 'three pillars' of Poroshenko's strategy—pro-integration rhetoric, technical harmonisation with EU/NATO standards, and expanding third-country partnerships—and notes that Zelensky has shifted priority toward sectoral integration in digital, energy, and customs markets. The text also discusses the challenges of the war in Donbas, the Normandy Four diplomatic framework, and the potential for the European Green Deal to serve as a framework for future Ukraine-EU cooperation.

The document is a comprehensive collection of essays and interviews exploring the evolution of green politics. It analyzes the tension between 'green growth' and 'degrowth', the rise of Green parties in Europe, and the intersection of climate action with feminism, labor rights, and geopolitics. Key discussions include the critique of the European Green Deal as 'greenwashing', the impact of lignite mining in Germany, and the role of the 'Green New Deal' in the US as a tool for socio-economic transformation.

The document examines the evolution of political ecology, arguing for a shift from growth-based economic models to a 'social-ecological state' that prioritizes wellbeing and justice. It analyzes the electoral successes and challenges of Green parties across Europe—specifically in Germany, Finland, Sweden, Belgium, Ireland, Spain, and Poland—and discusses the 'Green New Deal' in the USA. Key themes include the intersection of climate action with feminism, labor rights, and geopolitics, while critiquing the 'green growth' and 'decoupling' narratives of the European Green Deal.