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The report argues that tax incentives for critical mineral value addition are secondary to primary non-tax enablers such as infrastructure, regulatory stability, and clear national strategies. It analyzes the value chains of copper, lithium, and nickel, noting that while production-based, cost-based, and profit-based tax incentives can attract investment, they risk revenue loss if projects are not commercially viable. The document highlights varied national approaches, such as Indonesia's nickel export bans and Australia's production tax credits, and recommends rigorous financial modelling to ensure that downstream incentives do not result in a net loss of government revenue compared to raw ore exports.

The document argues that while WTO rules provide policy space for LDCs to build climate-resilient agriculture, these countries often lack the financial and technical capacity to utilize them. It recommends targeted assistance through Aid for Trade to design compliant subsidies, mapping of climate technologies to facilitate TRIPS-compliant transfers, and the establishment of exemptions for LDCs from food and fertilizer export bans to ensure food security amid climate shocks.

The report analyzes three case studies to demonstrate how purposeful, collective learning can improve climate adaptation planning. In Côte d’Ivoire, a national platform fostered a community of practice on the gender-climate nexus. Peru established a platform to integrate Indigenous Peoples' ancestral knowledge into its NAP. Rwanda implemented a monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) system to refine adaptation priorities. The report identifies key enabling factors such as inclusive leadership, legal institutionalization, and a culture of public accountability, while noting that sustained financial support remains a primary challenge for maintaining learning momentum.

The report examines how private equity (PE) firms consolidate the ambulatory surgery center (ASC) market through leveraged buyouts and 'roll-up' strategies, often increasing prices by nearly 50% within five years. It details a 'second wave' of consolidation where corporate giants like UnitedHealth and non-profit systems like Ascension acquire these PE-built networks, potentially bypassing antitrust scrutiny. Case studies on AmSurg, Regent Surgical Health, and Surgery Partners illustrate risks including high debt burdens, operational opacity, and pressures on clinical staffing and revenue.

The report argues that conflict-related sexual violence is not inevitable and varies significantly across armed actors. It highlights a shift toward analyzing 'patterns of violence'—distinguishing between military strategy, organizational policy, and tolerated social practice—while advocating for a more intersectional approach that includes men, boys, and LGBTQIA+ survivors. The authors identify critical gaps in the study of structural root causes and perpetrator motivations, and they caution that traditional policy tools like international prosecutions and state-level sanctions have limited or even counterproductive effects on prevention.

The paper analyzes the evolution of the UN Security Council's approach to conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), arguing that while the 'weapon of war' frame successfully moved the issue onto the security agenda, it created significant gaps in protection and accountability. This framing prioritizes strategic, systematic violence over opportunistic abuse and often ignores non-traditional survivors, such as men, boys, and LGBTQ+ individuals. The author notes that geopolitical interests continue to dictate which atrocities are condemned and which are tolerated, leading to inconsistent implementation of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda.

The author critiques the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda for its failure to move beyond rhetorical commitments to substantive protection and inclusion. While acknowledging its role in elevating conflict-related sexual violence, the paper argues that the agenda's focus on penetrative rape has occluded other gender-based harms, such as obstetric and structural violence. It further highlights the marginalization of women in formal peace negotiations and the failure to account for colonial causality. The author proposes a shift toward 'everyday peace'—focusing on the long-term, grassroots conditions of survival and tolerance—to ensure a more inclusive and sustainable peace that addresses the needs of all women, particularly those from marginalized ethnic and racial backgrounds.

The report argues that the European Commission's 'Omnibus I' proposal, unveiled on February 26, 2025, represents a shift toward deregulation driven by disproportionate private sector influence. Analysis of meeting logs shows that Executive Vice-President Stéphane Séjourné and his office met almost exclusively with business interests, while excluding civil society, NGOs, and trade unions. This lobbying resulted in significant setbacks for the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD) and the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive (CSRD), including the removal of obligations for financial services to undergo due diligence reviews.

The report critiques 'coal transition offsets' (CTOs), specifically those promoted by the Rockefeller Foundation's Coal-to-Clean-Credit Initiative (CCCI) and Singapore's Traction Coalition. It argues that CTOs inherit the systemic failures of the broader carbon offset market, including non-additionality and over-crediting. Through analysis of pilot projects in the Philippines, the document demonstrates how CTOs may not actually accelerate plant closures and can create perverse incentives for policymakers to avoid mandating coal phaseouts. The author recommends shifting focus from individual plant buyouts to systemic energy reforms, such as grid modernization and the renegotiation of power purchase agreements (PPAs) to reduce the financial burden of retiring coal assets.

The report analyzes how the 'Omnibus I' law, presented on February 26, 2025, by Executive Vice-President Stéphane Séjourné, rolls back key environmental and social protections. It details a significant imbalance in the consultation process, where the vast majority of meetings were held with private economic interests while civil society was largely excluded. A specific case study highlights how the French asset management lobby successfully pushed for the removal of a clause that would have required the Commission to study the necessity of regulating financial services under the CSDDD.

The document evaluates the Guided Trade Initiative (GTI) as a 'proof of concept' for the AfCFTA, analyzing the experiences of Ghana, Kenya, Mauritius, Tunisia, Nigeria, and South Africa. It argues that while tariff liberalisation is a start, full implementation requires addressing deep structural barriers, including inadequate productive capacity, infrastructure deficits, and non-tariff barriers (NTBs). The brief highlights that South Africa and Nigeria's participation is critical for scaling the initiative, but both face internal constraints like energy bottlenecks and fiscal gaps. It concludes that the focus must shift from endorsing the agreement to delivering on productive capacity and trade-enabling infrastructure to achieve projected GDP gains of $1.4 trillion.

The report analyzes water insecurities in the Mekong region, driven by environmental pressures, socio-economic inequalities, and governance failures. It evaluates interventions such as community-based infrastructure, adaptive agricultural practices, and inclusive governance models, while recommending decentralized management and strengthened transboundary cooperation.

The report advocates for the scaling of farmer field schools (FFS) in Uganda to address gaps in the national agricultural extension system and improve the water-energy-food (WEF) nexus. Based on a 2023 collaborative learning school (CLS) in the Buikwe District, the document argues that FFS can empower farmers through hands-on experimentation and social cohesion, reducing the burden on overstretched government resources. It identifies key barriers such as trust deficits and uneven geographic distribution, and recommends integrating FFS into national policy through university partnerships and financial incentives.

The report analyzes the global trend toward 'green industrial policies'—characterized by state intervention through subsidies, procurement, and local content requirements—and warns that these measures often prioritize domestic benefits over global equity. While EMDEs can benefit from lower technology costs and new trade opportunities in critical minerals, they face risks of 'extractive lock-in' and market distortions. The authors propose pathways for a more inclusive transition, including preferential technology licensing, scaled-up climate finance, and the recycling of carbon border adjustment revenues to support industrial upgrading in developing nations.

The document examines the shortcomings of Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs), noting their tendency toward techno-economic framing and donor-driven agendas. It proposes South-South cooperation (SSC) as a vital alternative that leverages shared socio-economic challenges and peer learning to foster more inclusive, justice-centred transitions. Using South Africa and Colombia as case studies, the brief identifies specific opportunities for collaboration in mine closure, green industrialization, and institutional coordination to move beyond one-size-fits-all models.

The document advocates for South Korea to set a 2035 emissions reduction target of at least 61% relative to 2018 levels to ensure alignment with its 2050 carbon neutrality goal. It emphasizes that a credible NDC must be supported by sectoral pathways in power, industry, and transport to provide the policy certainty required to unlock private sector investment. Key recommendations include phasing out coal power by 2035, reforming the Korea Emissions Trading System (K-ETS) to increase carbon price signals, and accelerating the deployment of breakthrough technologies like hydrogen steelmaking and electrified steam crackers. The briefing also stresses the importance of structured collaboration between the government, businesses of all sizes, and subnational authorities to ensure the NDC is investible and implementable.

Thailand's economic strategy to become a regional hub for electric vehicles (EVs) and data centres requires a rapid transition to clean energy to attract foreign investment and meet international low-carbon standards. The energy sector, which accounted for 69% of total emissions in 2019, is central to Thailand's goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 30-40% by 2030 and achieving carbon neutrality by 2050. Projections indicate that EVs could account for 20% of total electricity demand by 2037, while data centre demand is expected to grow at an 8% CAGR from 2025 to 2027, potentially adding 10 TWh by 2037. To support this, the Thai government has introduced a direct power purchase agreement (DPPA) pilot project specifically for data centres of at least 50 MW, allowing them to bypass the single-buyer system and purchase renewable energy directly.

The report details how the Asian Development Bank, World Bank Group (IFC), and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank have provided direct and indirect financing for the Tangguh LNG project since 2005. It asserts that the project locks Indonesia into fossil gas dependence, causes environmental destruction, displaces Indigenous communities, and increases greenhouse gas emissions. The document concludes by urging MDBs to end all fossil fuel funding and reject the 'gas as a transition fuel' narrative, specifically opposing the proposed expansion into a fourth production facility and a carbon capture utilisation and storage (CCUS) facility.

The document argues that Africa's critical raw materials (CRMs) have triggered a resurgence of transactional deals where external powers provide security or infrastructure in exchange for resource access. It contrasts Russia's use of private military companies, the US's transactional 'peace-brokering' model, and China's 'infrastructure-for-resources' strategy, noting that these arrangements often prioritize foreign strategic gains over African long-term stability and sovereignty.

The report finds that while CETP members reduced international fossil fuel finance by up to 78% to USD 4.7 billion in 2024, the scale-up of clean energy finance remains slow, with only USD 3.2 billion in increases compared to 2019–2021. It highlights that less than one-fifth of funds shifted from fossil fuels were redirected to clean energy and calls for a collective target of at least USD 42 billion for clean energy finance in emerging markets and developing economies.