Search Climate Insights Directory

The GreenLeft-Labour alliance saw a decline in support in the October 2025 Dutch elections, falling to the fourth largest political force after losing 3 per cent of the vote and five seats compared to 2023. The analysis attributes this failure to a poorly managed campaign and the surge of the social-liberal D66, which successfully appealed to university-educated voters. Despite the loss, the alliance consolidated support among left-wing progressives, though it failed to recover the Labour Party's traditional working-class base. The two parties are now preparing for a full merger in 2026.

The research analyzes external voting data from parliamentary and presidential elections for migrants from Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Lithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Romania living in 17 European host countries. It employs the Pedersen index to measure the discrepancy between diaspora and domestic voting results and uses V-dem Party database dimensions to assess ideological differences. The findings generally indicate that diaspora voters are more liberal, less populist, and more economically right-wing than domestic voters, though their voting trends often mirror the dynamics of their countries of origin. The report also notes that the size and influence of these voting blocs are increasing, with the Bulgarian diaspora having the highest relative impact on national election results.

The author argues that while polls suggest a second-round runoff between Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen, a Green candidate could potentially disrupt this by securing at least 8 million first-round votes. This would require unifying fragmented left-wing and social-democratic electorates into a 'social-ecological' bloc. The strategy relies on shifting the political narrative from mere crisis management to a vision of a stable, different future rooted in ecological transition and social protection, leveraging the psychological impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the global climate crisis.

The author argues that while a Green candidate alone cannot win the 2022 French presidential election, they could reach the run-off by uniting Greens and social democrats into a single bloc. By targeting a potential constituency of 10 million left-leaning voters and framing the ecological transition as part of a progressive tradition of protection and solidarity, a Green-led coalition could potentially secure the 8 million votes necessary to challenge the dominant candidates, Emmanuel Macron and Marine Le Pen.

Following a 13.5% result in the 2019 European elections, Europe Ecologie Les Verts (EELV) faces the challenge of converting temporary electoral momentum into long-term power. The author argues that while the party 'owns' environmental issues in the French electoral arena, it must manage a volatile and ideologically diverse electorate—ranging from the far left to the center—by prioritizing an ecology-centered discourse and opening the party to younger generations and external experts to avoid historical patterns of electoral decline.

Following a strong performance in the 2019 European elections, Europe Écologie-Les Verts (EELV) faces the challenge of converting this success into long-term electoral stability. The author notes that French green parties historically perform better in European elections than in national ones. To break this cycle, the document suggests EELV should leverage its 'ownership' of ecological issues, appeal to a diverse and volatile electorate—including young voters and former supporters of Emmanuel Macron and Jean-Luc Mélenchon—and shift from internal focus to a strategic ambition for power.

The document analyzes the 2015 Spanish municipal elections, specifically the rise of 'citizen convergence' lists that integrated political parties, civil society, and independent activists. These movements, stemming from the 'Guanyem' initiative in Barcelona and influenced by the 15-M movement, sought 'democratic regeneration' through horizontal organization, open primaries, and codes of ethics. The author highlights the role of the green party EQUO in incorporating ecological policies—such as sustainable urban development and energy efficiency—into these agendas. The results showed significant success in cities like Barcelona, A Coruña, and Santiago de Compostela, suggesting a shift toward a more plural political cycle based on cooperation rather than the hegemonic strategies used by parties like Podemos.

The analysis argues that traditional media remained the primary source of election information during the 2014 European elections but failed to foster a 'European public' by prioritizing national politics over European issues. In Germany, the UK, and Spain, the author finds that media coverage was often biased or sensationalist, frequently granting disproportionate visibility to anti-European parties like UKIP and AfD while marginalizing others, such as the Greens. The report highlights a lack of prime-time transnational TV debates and suggests that economic pressures and political apathy have turned journalism into a consumer product rather than a public service.

The author analyzes the electoral performance of European Green parties following the 2009 financial crisis, noting a trend of decline in several countries. To counter this, the text proposes five strategic challenges: focusing on societal needs over internal struggles, embracing diversity in leadership and membership, transitioning from 'whistleblowers' to 'solution providers', establishing credibility on economic issues by promoting alternative green economic concepts, and asserting a strong commitment to social justice and equity. The author advocates for a 'Green New Deal' as a practical first step toward a radical paradigm shift in the development model, emphasizing that proposed efforts must be effective, fair, and legitimate to restore public trust.

The report details the 2011 Djiboutian presidential elections, which saw President Ismail Omar Guelleh re-elected for a third term with 80.56% of the vote following a boycott by the main opposition coalition, the Union for a Democratic Alternative (UAD). The author argues that the electoral process was far from competitive due to the fusion of the ruling Union for a Presidential Majority (UMP) with the state apparatus and the removal of presidential term limits in 2010. The document also highlights internal instability, including violent youth protests in February 2011 and ethnic tensions between the Issa and Afar groups. Externally, it describes the strategic military presence of France and the US, and the volatile border relationship with Eritrea, which was partially mitigated by Qatari mediation in 2010.

This policy brief by the Institute for Security Studies analyzes voter participation and the outcomes of South Africa's May 2014 national and provincial elections. It highlights a steady decline in electoral participation since 1994, particularly among youth and rural populations, and examines the shifting political landscape as the African National Congress (ANC) faces reduced majorities in urban centers like Gauteng.