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The document analyzes the divergence in economic recovery between Western economies and emerging markets following the 2008 financial crisis. It argues that while the world avoided 1930s-style tariff wars, a new era of 'creeping protectionism' has emerged through non-tariff barriers, industrial subsidies, and regulatory standards. The author highlights a leadership vacuum in global trade governance as the US and EU adopt defensive postures, while emerging powers like China, India, and Brazil remain reactive and hampered by domestic structural weaknesses.

The U.S. Southwest is currently relying on unsustainable groundwater extraction to meet water demands. Climate change is projected to exacerbate this crisis by increasing agricultural water needs and shifting snowmelt timing, leading to significant water shortfalls. The report finds that without adaptation, the region faces a cumulative water shortfall of up to 2,253 million acre feet over the next century under a severe climate scenario (A2). While desalination and imports are deemed non-viable due to cost and availability, planned reductions in urban and agricultural water use—particularly the elimination of low-value crops—could bring water use to sustainable levels. The economic cost of inaction is estimated between $2.3 trillion and $5 trillion over the next century.

The report argues that the nuclear power industry has relied on extensive taxpayer and ratepayer subsidies for over 50 years, which mask the true costs of production and shift significant financial, safety, and environmental risks to the public. It finds that legacy subsidies for the first generation of reactors often exceeded the value of the power produced, and that new reactors are poised to repeat this pattern with projected subsidies ranging from 70% to 200% of their power value. The author recommends reducing nuclear subsidies, implementing technology-neutral competitive bidding for low-carbon energy, and modernizing liability and waste management systems to internalize costs.

The report argues that the U.S. nuclear power industry has relied on extensive taxpayer and ratepayer subsidies for over 50 years, which often exceed the value of the energy produced. It details how these subsidies shift construction, operating, and long-term risks—such as waste management and accident liability—from private investors to the public. The document concludes that continuing this pattern with new reactors would be an expensive 'leap of faith' that could divert resources from more cost-effective climate change mitigation options.

The document examines the complex interdependence between Northern and Southern Sudan as the South moves toward independence. It highlights the critical role of oil co-management, as Southern Sudan derives 98% of its income from oil exports that must travel through Northern infrastructure. The author argues that while the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) provided a path to secession, significant risks remain, including unresolved border disputes in Abyei, the potential for continued insurgency in the North, and the fragile internal governance of the South. Regionally, the document notes the potential for a new independent South Sudan to shift the balance of power within the Nile Basin Initiative, potentially challenging Egypt's historical dominance over Nile water rights.

The author questions the strategic value of South Africa joining the BRICs, noting that the group is an informal construct rather than a coherent political or economic bloc. The paper argues that BRICs membership does not inherently improve trade and investment opportunities, as bilateral barriers persist and the group includes economic competitors. Furthermore, the author suggests that joining the BRICs may undermine the IBSA Dialogue Forum and contradict South Africa's image as an assertive regional power.

The document examines the shift in Indonesia's foreign economic policy from nationalistic and protectionist roots toward a neo-liberal approach characterized by trade and investment liberalization. It identifies external pressures, such as IMF structural adjustments and regional integration (ASEAN), and internal influences, including intellectual elites and the private sector, as primary drivers. Despite this trend, the author notes persistent domestic protectionism and a fundamental contradiction between these policies and Article 33 of the Indonesian constitution, which emphasizes a family-based, state-controlled economy.

The document outlines ten reasons why jatropha is an unsustainable investment, noting that yields are often lower than claimed and the crop requires significant water and fertile land rather than thriving on marginal soils. It highlights negative impacts including the displacement of local communities, loss of biodiversity, and competition with food production. The text concludes that large-scale plantations are not economically viable and may increase greenhouse gas emissions due to land-use change.

The document examines the multifaceted relationship between China and Zambia, highlighting the risks of debt instability and opaque trade deals against the benefits of infrastructure investment and new export markets. It argues that while China provides a critical alternative source of financing, Zambia's lack of a comprehensive policy and weak regulatory framework make it vulnerable to 'bad practices' and unsustainable borrowing. The author recommends the implementation of a Debt Management Bill, a Freedom of Information Act, and the development of a formal national policy on China to ensure that economic cooperation leads to pro-poor growth.

The document asserts that pending EPA greenhouse gas (GHG) regulations under the Clean Air Act (CAA) will have a minimal negative economic impact on U.S. manufacturing while incentivizing significant energy efficiency gains. It argues that for most manufacturers, environmental compliance costs are negligible compared to other business expenses and market volatilities, and that the transition to more efficient technologies will ultimately reduce operational costs and improve global competitiveness.

The document outlines the necessity of increasing climate investment in Africa, emphasizing the immediate need for public concessional funding for development and the role of private investment in low-carbon energy. It discusses the volatility of revenue sources tied to carbon prices, the need to compensate African countries for increased trade costs from international transport levies, and the requirement for carbon market reforms, including the inclusion of land-use change emissions, to attract investment.

The document analyzes Asia's climate investment requirements, estimating annual mitigation needs at US$90–180 billion and adaptation costs at US$40–45 billion by 2030. It argues that while private finance can drive mitigation in major economies like China and India, public resources are essential for adaptation and for less developed countries. The briefing highlights opportunities in carbon markets and public-private leveraging, but warns that the Copenhagen Accord's US$100 billion target is insufficient for Asia's needs and that transport or financial transaction levies could negatively impact Asian trade and financial hubs.

The paper examines the carbon trading landscape, focusing on the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and the potential for South Africa to establish a local carbon market. It highlights that while South Africa is the only African country among the top 20 CDM host countries, it remains underrepresented in carbon credit generation due to financing and technical hurdles. The authors argue that a shift from coal dependence to renewable energy is necessary to meet domestic and international targets, and that policy certainty is required to attract further investment.

The research paper evaluates the trade-offs between carbon storage and timber extraction in Central American tropical forests using Net Present Value (NPV) analysis. It finds that while timber is more profitable on a face-value basis, the attractiveness of forest conservation is highly dependent on carbon pricing and discount rates. The author argues that incorporating co-benefits and sustainable forestry management is essential for making conservation economically competitive with timber harvesting.

South Africa faces a conflict between its development goals—focused on poverty alleviation and economic growth—and its climate targets, as 90% of its electricity is generated from coal. While the country has proposed ambitious emission cuts of 25% by 2020 and 42% by 2025, it continues to expand coal capacity through projects like the Medupi and Kusile plants to address electricity supply constraints. The document argues that development and climate mitigation can converge through an innovative economic agenda that exploits green market opportunities to create a new labour-absorbing industry.

The research evaluates the economic impact of forest area changes from 2000 to 2050, focusing on provisioning, regulating, and cultural services. Using a combination of market data, meta-analysis, and value transfer, the study finds that while managed forests may increase provisioning revenues, the loss of natural forests—particularly in tropical and boreal biomes—leads to significant welfare losses, primarily driven by the loss of carbon sequestration capacity. Brazil is projected to suffer the highest economic loss, potentially reaching 6% of its 2050 GDP.

The document argues that South Africa must transition from a coal-dependent energy system to a low-carbon economy to ensure energy security and maintain competitive advantage. It highlights the need for institutional and regulatory reform to allow clean electricity suppliers to enter a market currently dominated by coal and the national utility. The text notes that current energy and climate policies are undermined by a lack of coherence across government departments. Additionally, it identifies a significant funding gap for local infrastructure, noting that South African municipalities receive less than 10% of the country's climate finance.

The document examines the potential for a strategic partnership between South Africa and Russia, noting that while Russia's economic size and global influence make it a vital partner for exports and FDI, South African corporates face significant hurdles. These include a poor 'Doing Business' ranking, widespread corruption, lax intellectual property enforcement, and state dominance in strategic sectors. Despite these challenges, the state visit resulted in cooperation agreements in uranium enrichment, space, technology, and mining.

The document examines the environmental and economic flaws of HFC-23 destruction projects within the CDM, noting that the high value of Certified Emission Reductions (CERs) encourages the production of HCFC-22 and its byproduct HFC-23. It highlights a conflict between the CDM and the Montreal Protocol, where CDM subsidies may prolong the life of older, more emissive factories. The briefing concludes that the EU should ban HFC-23 CERs from the EU ETS to redirect investment toward sustainable energy and support the Montreal Protocol's phase-out of HCFCs.

The Southern African Customs Union (SACU) faces existential threats driven by internal dissonance over revenue distribution and trade agreements. South Africa currently provides significant fiscal subsidies to Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland (BLNS) through a revenue pool that is deemed unsustainable and procyclical. Tensions are further exacerbated by the interim Economic Partnership Agreements (IEPAs) signed by Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland, which South Africa and Namibia refuse to sign. The author argues that the dissolution of the customs union could occur if these trade differences are not resolved, potentially leading to the economic collapse of Lesotho and Swaziland. To ensure stability, the document proposes a regional development agenda and the creation of a development fund to reduce BLNS dependence on the revenue pool and preserve the common external tariff.