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The author contends that malaria control in Africa is hindered by donor agencies and UN bodies that prioritize ineffective measures, such as insecticide-treated nets, over proven methods like Indoor Residual Spraying (IRS) using DDT. The text highlights the success of 'vertical' health programs in Southern African countries and criticizes the influence of the environmental movement and decentralized health systems on public health outcomes. It calls for a science-based approach that integrates IRS and Artemisinin-based combination therapy (ACT) to reduce malaria mortality and morbidity.

The paper critiques existing Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA), Social Impact Assessments (SIA), and political risk analyses for their failure to systematically address violent conflict. It proposes a Conflict-Sensitive Business Practice (CSBP) toolbox that integrates conflict analysis tools—such as conflict mapping and stakeholder analysis—across the entire project lifecycle. The authors emphasize that extractive projects are increasingly located in 'frontier areas' where mismanagement of community relations or environmental resources can trigger violence. The proposed CSBP approach advocates for participatory consultation, the establishment of 'no go' thresholds for conflict, and the identification of peacebuilding opportunities through shared environmental concerns.

Amory B. Lovins of the Rocky Mountain Institute argues that the APS Hydrogen Report incorrectly claims a need for new storage materials and underestimates the competitiveness of reformed hydrogen because it assumes the use of heavy, inefficient vehicles. Lovins asserts that ultralight, high-efficiency vehicle designs make current compressed-gas storage and natural-gas-reformed hydrogen economically viable. He further contends that electrolytic hydrogen is too expensive to justify nuclear power subsidies and criticizes the APS panel for relying on a narrow range of outdated governmental sources rather than current technical evidence.

The document argues that the World Bank Group's (WBG) policies of privatization and structural adjustment in the extractive industries (EI) often prioritize foreign investment over the rights of local communities and environmental protection. It highlights systemic failures in applying safeguard policies for indigenous peoples, the marginalization of women, and the persistence of 'legacy' environmental and human rights abuses. The text calls for a transition toward renewable energy, the adoption of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC), and the implementation of mandatory transparency mechanisms for revenues to mitigate poverty and corruption.

The document advocates for the use of national and sectoral assessments to evaluate the economic, developmental, and environmental impacts of services trade liberalisation. It specifically calls for the WTO Council for Trade in Services (CTS) to extend negotiating timelines beyond 2005 and postpone the March 2003 deadline for initial offers to allow members, particularly developing countries, sufficient time and resources to conduct these assessments and adjust negotiations based on the results.

Amory Lovins argues that the California electricity crisis was caused by botched restructuring and concentrated market power rather than a shortage of generating capacity or soaring demand from the Internet. He provides data from the California Energy Commission to show that per-capita electricity use remained flat for twenty-five years and that peak loads in 2000 did not show a general upward trend. Lovins asserts that the crisis was exacerbated by dominant suppliers strategically withholding power to maintain high prices, and he defends his advocacy for energy efficiency and decentralized renewables as successful policies that would have forestalled the disaster had they not been abandoned in the mid-1990s.

The document argues that the World Bank's draft OP 4.12 represents a regression in resettlement policy by shifting from a goal of improving living standards to a minimum requirement of restoration. It highlights the dangers of replacing land-based compensation with cash, the inadequacy of market-based valuations, and the exclusion of vulnerable groups who lack formal legal land titles. Furthermore, it criticizes the Bank's reduced oversight of borrowers and the creation of a 'voluntary' resettlement category that avoids policy protections and transparency.

The authors critique 'the new botany' of genetic engineering, contrasting it with traditional botany and evolutionary biology. They argue that transgenic crops are developed for patentability and profit rather than productivity or subsistence, leading to ecological hazards such as 'superweeds' and the disruption of species barriers. The text compares the trajectory of transgenic technology to that of nuclear fission, suggesting it follows a pattern of overreach and eventual failure, and advocates for a biologically informed agriculture focused on fair food distribution.

SGR argues that the UK government's approach to climate change is too cautious and fails to challenge the unsustainable nature of economic growth. The organization advocates for a 'Contraction and Convergence' model for global emissions, a shift in taxation from labour to resource use, and the complete replacement of fossil fuels and nuclear power with renewables. SGR specifically criticizes the government's reliance on 'accounting tricks' for non-CO2 gases, the lack of restrictions on air travel, and the potential dangers of climate engineering technologies.

The document argues that joint implementation (JI)—meeting emissions targets through actions in another country—could undermine the U.S. commitment to return emissions to 1990 levels by 2000. It highlights risks such as the lack of an emissions cap in developing countries, the potential for 'double counting' credits, and the risk of locking the U.S. into inefficient domestic technologies. The author recommends that JI only be used for goals beyond mere stabilization and that strict criteria, including environmental impact assessments and minimum standards for host countries, be established by the FCCC Conference of the Parties.

The report by Climate Action Against Disinformation (CAAD) critiques the Edelman Trust Barometer, alleging that the PR firm uses 'organized lying' and opaque data to promote the idea that business leaders are the most trusted figures in society. It highlights contradictions between Edelman's findings and other research from the UN and University of Oxford, particularly regarding public trust in corporate climate efforts. Furthermore, the document exposes a conflict of interest, noting that while Edelman claims climate change is a major crisis, it maintains extensive contracts with major fossil fuel companies including Shell, Chevron, and TotalEnergies.

The toolkit critiques the draft IRP 2023, arguing that it deviates from 'least cost' energy pathways by favoring fossil fuels over renewables and failing to adequately address air quality, health impacts, and climate commitments. It provides a framework for the public to challenge the DMRE's modelling assumptions, the premature timing of the plan relative to the Integrated Energy Plan and Sectoral Emission Targets, and the lack of transparency in public participation.

The statement, signed by several international NGOs, contends that the WTO is an inappropriate forum for investment negotiations because it would limit the ability of developing nations to regulate foreign direct investment (FDI) for development goals. It highlights risks such as the erosion of performance requirements and the imbalance of the WTO's dispute settlement system, which it claims favors industrialized nations. The authors argue that the 'Doha Development Agenda' should prioritize existing issues like agriculture and TRIPS over new investment rules, calling for a halt to negotiations until developing countries have the resources to evaluate the implications.

The document provides a detailed breakdown of how WTO documents are restricted or derestricted, categorizing them into automatic, scheduled, and unscheduled processes. It argues that the current system allows members to keep politically sensitive documents secret indefinitely and ensures that information is only released after policy decisions are finalized. The authors recommend a shift toward a presumption of immediate public availability, except for proprietary or national security information, and propose a formal agreement to grant NGOs and individuals the right to participate in WTO meetings and dispute settlement procedures.

The briefing examines the impact of aviation emissions and the failure of international measures, specifically CORSIA, to align with the Paris Agreement. It details the 'stop-the-clock' derogation that paused EU ETS enforcement for flights entering and leaving Europe and warns that continuing this exemption risks the EU's 2030 climate targets and increases the oversupply of emission allowances.

Carbon Market Watch argues that current corporate net-zero claims are often vague and lack sufficient action, frequently excluding scope 3 emissions and relying excessively on offsets. The organization proposes a rigorous framework for net-zero targets that requires full-scope emission coverage, absolute reduction targets, and transparency regarding lobbying activities. It suggests that the UN facilitate a standardized global repository for reporting and advocates for a transition from voluntary actions to strict international and national regulations to prevent greenwashing.

The briefing examines the EU's Carbon Removals Certification Framework (CRCF), specifically criticizing the Delegated Act for permanent removals. It argues that the current methodologies for Direct Air Capture with Storage (DACCS), Biomass with capture and storage (BioCCS), and Biochar fail to account for environmental knock-on effects, lack proper monitoring and liability, and breach the 'Do No Significant Harm' principle. The author warns that these flaws could lead to certified activities increasing atmospheric emissions and undermine the EU's path to climate neutrality, potentially exposing buyers to greenwashing accusations if integrated into the EU Emission Trading System or voluntary markets.

Earthjustice argues that the American Coal Ash Association (ACAA) produced a 'junk science' report by ignoring critical groundwater exposure pathways, manipulating EPA screening levels for arsenic and chromium, and cherry-picking data from the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) to make coal ash appear similar to common soil. The critique highlights that fly ash concentrations of chromium and arsenic can be thousands of times higher than groundwater protection screening levels and notes the ACAA's failure to address risks from particulate matter inhalation.

The document contends that S.2446 protects utility companies rather than the public by eliminating federal standards for drinking water protection, prohibiting the siting of coal ash dumps in floodplains, and delaying the closure of structurally unsound impoundments. It asserts that the bill removes critical EPA oversight and financial assurance requirements, potentially shifting the cost of toxic spills to taxpayers. The text highlights that coal ash contains harmful chemicals like arsenic and mercury, and that nearly 70% of coal ash lagoons affect low-income and minority communities.

A coalition of 73 organizations argues that California's 2022 Draft Scoping Plan fails to accelerate climate targets or increase the pace of action beyond existing commitments. The group proposes a comprehensive set of revisions, including phasing out oil extraction by 2035 and refining by 2045, banning new gas-fired power generation immediately, and achieving a zero-carbon electric sector by 2035. They also call for a 30% reduction in vehicle miles traveled by 2035, a phase-out of new gas appliance sales by 2030, and the limitation of carbon capture and storage (CCS) and carbon dioxide removal (CDR) to only the most essential, hard-to-decarbonize sectors.