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The author argues that the Brothers of Italy (FdI) won the 2022 Italian elections not through ideology, but by promising security and a stronger state during a period of energy crisis and war. While the centre-right coalition shared a platform, FdI distinguished itself by prioritizing energy security, a presidential system, and cutting spending—including the abolition of green renovation grants—which aligned with voter priorities over climate action or immigration. Conversely, the centre-left failed by focusing on discrediting opponents rather than offering credible alternatives on economic intervention and social liberalism.

The report examines the 'Black Friday' tragedy at the Melilla border, where at least 23 migrants died during an attempted crossing from Morocco to Spain. It contrasts official government claims that the event was caused by criminal trafficking networks with testimonies from survivors and human rights organisations, who describe illegal push-backs and coordinated violence by Spanish and Moroccan security forces. The text further analyzes the geopolitical relationship between Spain and Morocco, highlighting how financial aid and diplomatic agreements regarding Western Sahara are used to secure Morocco's role as a 'border guardian' for Europe, which the author contends leads to systemic human rights violations.

The author contends that high fossil-fuel prices are essential market drivers for energy efficiency and the shift to renewables. To prevent social instability and energy poverty, the document proposes that EU governments avoid capping fuel prices and instead provide direct, inflation-linked compensation for heating, cooling, and food costs. Long-term recommendations include removing fossil-fuel subsidies, implementing a common EU carbon tax, expanding mass public transport, and shifting toward mission-oriented budgeting and ecological tax reform.

The case study focuses on Tor Bella Monaca, a peri-urban enclave in Rome characterized by high density social housing, drug trafficking, and institutional neglect. It highlights the Istituto Comprensivo “Melissa Bassi” as a critical institutional stronghold that, under new leadership since 2019, has worked to combat high dropout rates and social isolation through community engagement and the reclamation of school spaces. The text argues that educational inequality is a symptom of broader spatial disparities across Europe, where outskirts and rural areas often lack the resources and autonomy needed to serve as social elevators, potentially fueling political polarization and far-right populism.

The text examines the crisis in UK higher education, highlighting industrial disputes led by the University and College Union (UCU) over pay, pensions, and precarious working conditions. It critiques the 'academic capitalism' model, where students are treated as customers and universities as businesses, noting that this system undermines the critical thinking needed to address climate change. The author advocates for the abolition of student fees, the democratisation of university governance, and a shift in mission toward leading radical transformations for a just and sustainable future.

The authors evaluate the EU and German recovery funds, noting that while they are framed as 'green', much of the funding remains conditional or vague. They contrast this with the 2008 financial crisis, where green investments were limited. The text emphasizes the role of the European Parliament in ensuring accountability and pushing for a 60% CO2 reduction by 2030, while warning that Germany's current plans may not meet its 65% renewable energy target due to restrictive zoning laws and continued fossil fuel subsidies.

The European transport sector requires a fundamental shift to support a green Europe by 2049. Current transport systems contribute significantly to greenhouse gas emissions, air pollution, and noise, impacting both human health and biodiversity. Proposed solutions include widespread electrification, automation, and shared mobility to reduce resource consumption and urban congestion. A vision for 2049 involves a multimodal system where public transport, cycling, and walking dominate urban areas, while electric bikes and sustainable liquid fuels (such as advanced biofuels or e-fuels) serve rural and long-distance needs. Achieving this requires strategic urban planning, pricing reforms—such as road pricing to replace fuel taxes—and EU policies that accelerate the adoption of zero-emission vehicles and renewable energy.

The author contends that Vladimir Putin's 'neoimperializëm reaksionar' threatens the sovereignty of small and medium-sized European nations. To counter this, the text advocates for a unified Europe that ends its 'varësisë së saj nga karburantet fosile', strengthens democratic rule of law, and provides a collective alternative to authoritarianism.

The paper explores 'buen vivir' (living well), an indigenous-rooted concept from South America that prioritizes harmony between humans and nature over economic growth. It examines the tension between this biocentric approach and European 'green' strategies like the European Green Deal, which the authors argue remain tied to economic growth and productivity. While official adoption in EU-Latin America relations has been limited since a 2015 resolution, the document highlights a growing trend of local European initiatives—such as granting legal rights to nature in Spain and the Netherlands—that align with the principles of buen vivir.

The author examines the electoral impact of government participation for European Green parties, arguing that while simple 'before and after' comparisons often show a drop in vote share, this is frequently a reversion to a party's base performance rather than a punishment for governing. The analysis finds no significant correlation between electoral outcomes and the number of portfolios held, party ideology, or the ideology of coalition partners. However, a strong link is identified between 'defecting' (leaving government early) and poor election results, suggesting that internal divisions and perceived incompetence during premature exits lead to voter punishment.

The research paper analyzes the intersection of climate change and migration, challenging the narrative of inevitable mass migration from the Global South to the Global North. It highlights the lack of consensus on terminology, such as the contested use of 'climate refugees,' and notes that most climate-induced movement is internal. The author argues that voluntary, planned migration can serve as a positive adaptation strategy, benefiting migrants, origin communities, and destination areas. The document calls for coherent, multi-scalar governance and the integration of climate considerations into EU migration and development policies.

The author argues that Serbia has transitioned toward autocracy, a process accelerated by the state's handling of the Covid-19 pandemic. The government is accused of using a state of emergency to bypass scientific advice, manipulate health data, and conduct an unofficial election campaign. This democratic decline is mirrored by deteriorating rule of law and media freedom. However, the document notes a rising wave of political mobilisation fueled by dissatisfaction with environmental degradation, specifically air pollution in Belgrade and proposed lithium mining by Rio Tinto in western Serbia.

The author posits that the Russian invasion of Ukraine represents a clash between neoimperialism and European unity. The text describes Putin's ideology as a reactionary neoimperialism that seeks to divide Europe and reduce small nations to spheres of influence. To counter this, the author advocates for a democratic European political union that ends fossil fuel dependence, upholds the rule of law, and provides a social and ecological alternative to authoritarianism.

The editorial calls for the European Union to provide material and humanitarian support to Ukraine and to intensify sanctions, specifically targeting the financial system and energy ties, in response to the Russian invasion.

The author contends that Bosnia-Herzegovina is facing a severe crisis of state stability, not due to dormant ethnic conflict, but because of a political elite that uses ethnic nationalism to maintain power and protect clientelist networks. The document highlights the destabilising actions of leaders like Milorad Dodik and Dragan Čović, who use blocking tactics and threats of secession to extort the national government. It criticises the international community, specifically the EU and US, for a passive 'carrot and stick' approach and superficial negotiations that fail to deter unconstitutional politics, warning that the current trajectory could lead to the de facto secession of the Republika Srpska and the dissolution of the state.

The document advocates for a 'green feminist foreign policy' for the EU that moves beyond basic gender equality to an intersectional approach. It criticizes the current male-dominated culture of the European External Action Service (EEAS) and the limitations of the Gender Action Plan III (GAP III). The author proposes systemic changes, including mandatory training, gender-responsive budgeting, and the inclusion of marginalized groups in climate and security decision-making, citing Sweden's pioneering model as a reference.

The document examines the 'polycrisis' affecting Europe, where the cost of living crisis is driven by a combination of the pandemic, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and long-term neoliberal policies. It analyzes the disproportionate impact on young people, women, and the elderly, while exploring systemic failures in energy, housing, and food systems. The authors advocate for 'energy sobriety', the re-municipalisation of water, the expansion of social housing, and the revitalization of trade unions as essential steps toward a Green New Deal that ensures social justice and ecological sustainability.

The author contends that the current global political economy is a 'neocolonial debt regime' where Global South nations are forced to divert funds from climate preparedness to pay creditors in the Global North. Using Belize as a case study, the text illustrates how debt-to-GDP ratios hinder public health and ecological resilience. The document calls for a shift from an 'insulting' aid-based model to a reparations-based framework, including the cancellation of all Global South debt, the implementation of 'climate-health-debt swaps', and the democratisation of international financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank.

Since 2003, Malta has held three referendums concerning EU membership, divorce, and spring hunting, all of which touched upon themes of national honor, identity, and sovereignty. These votes reflect a socio-political landscape dominated by a two-party system—the Labour Party (PL) and the Nationalist Party (PN)—where voters often align with party stances rather than the specific issue. The 2003 EU referendum saw high turnout but low support, while the 2011 divorce referendum signaled a decline in the Catholic Church's influence. The 2015 spring hunting referendum highlighted a divide between those seeking alignment with liberal European democracies and those viewing traditional hunting as a matter of national pride. The author argues that patriotic rhetoric and claims of protecting national traditions from foreign pressure are used by the government to maintain support amidst international scrutiny over corruption and the murder of Daphne Caruana Galizia.

The article argues that under Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, referendums in Hungary have been repurposed to serve party interests and propagate anti-EU and anti-migrant narratives. It highlights the 2016 refugee referendum as a symbolic tool of propaganda and describes how the government obstructs opposition-led initiatives, such as those by the Socialist Party and the Momentum Movement. Additionally, the text details the use of 'national consultation surveys'—unregulated, state-funded polls sent to millions of households—to legitimize government policies through leading questions and strategic results.