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The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) operates the Global Classrooms programme in Johannesburg, funded by the United Nations Association of the United States of America (UNA-USA) and Merrill Lynch. The programme uses Model United Nations (MUN) simulations of the UN Security Council to teach students research, negotiation, and diplomacy. Students are paired with tutors from the University of the Witwatersrand for four months of preparation before participating in simulated crises. In 2006, the programme involved 75 schools and addressed hypothetical crises including Mediterranean water quality, nuclear proliferation in Zimbabwe, polio containment in Nigeria, piracy in Somalia, and water rights in Lake Victoria.

The report evaluates the South African Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA), highlighting a tension between its ambitious foreign policy goals—specifically the 'African Agenda'—and institutional challenges including high personnel vacancy rates, managerial instability, and a lack of measurable performance data. While the DFA has increased its budgetary and diplomatic presence in Africa, the report notes significant gaps in skilled personnel and a need for better alignment between foreign policy and domestic economic growth goals.

The document analyzes South Africa's transition from a pariah state to a regional hegemon and global middle power, examining its macroeconomic shifts, socio-economic challenges, and foreign policy. It details South Africa's engagement with the WTO, the AU, and the EU, while highlighting domestic risks such as HIV/AIDS, unemployment, and political succession. The paper concludes by proposing three future scenarios for South Africa and corresponding strategies for German development cooperation.

The report examines the trade and investment dynamics between SACU (primarily South Africa) and China, arguing that while Chinese imports threaten SACU's light manufacturing, the complementarity of their economies—specifically China's demand for natural resources—makes a phased free trade agreement (FTA) a strategic necessity for restructuring SACU's economy.

The document records discussions from a 2006 workshop regarding Aid for Trade (A4T), emphasizing that trade liberalization alone is insufficient for economic development and must be paired with supply-side capacity and infrastructure support. It explores the role of the WTO, Bretton Woods agencies, and the EU's Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) in delivering this aid, while noting the importance of demand-driven approaches and private sector involvement in Southern Africa.

The report details the precarious environment for South African businesses in Zimbabwe, characterized by hyperinflation, erratic government policy, and a collapsing agricultural sector. While many South African firms maintain a presence by 'ringfencing' operations, they face critical shortages of foreign currency, fuel, and skilled labor. The document argues that the economic crisis is driven by the authoritarian policies of President Robert Mugabe and suggests that political reform and the restoration of the rule of law are prerequisites for economic recovery.

The author contends that the MDGs provide 'political camouflage' for aid agencies and oversimplify development by targeting visible symptoms like hunger and disease instead of productivity and growth. The paper argues that focusing on universal primary education may divert resources from more commercially valuable technical and vocational training. To address these gaps, the document proposes 'African Millennium Growth Goals' centered on improving commercial infrastructure, investing in rural economies, enhancing technical skills, increasing domestic lending, and reducing bureaucratic corruption.

The research paper examines the Red Door initiative, an $18 million training programme in the Western Cape, South Africa, designed to support micro-entrepreneurs. It argues that the project prioritises political 'puffery' and input metrics—such as the number of visitors—over actual outcomes and sustainable job creation. Critics and managers suggest the current training is too rudimentary and lacks the mentorship and practical experience necessary to help entrepreneurs successfully win tenders or scale their businesses.

This briefing documents a December 2005 seminar in Maputo regarding a country report on the strength of parliamentary democracy in Mozambique. The text records a debate between researchers and members of parliament (MPs) from the Frelimo and Renamo-EU parties, as well as civil society representatives, focusing on the parliament's capacity for representation, legislation, and executive oversight.

This research paper analyzes the political decline of Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki following a failed constitutional referendum. It details how Kibaki transitioned from a reformist leader in 2002 to a figure accused of reviving ethnic cronyism, nepotism, and corruption, while failing to honor pre-election agreements and constitutional promises.

The briefing examines the Congolese political landscape across three transition periods (1990-1997, 1997-2001, and 2001-2005). It argues that political parties in the DRC lack genuine ideology and social projects, instead operating through ephemeral alliances based on personal interest, ethnic ties, and the pursuit of material gain. The author highlights a persistent deficit of leadership and a culture of 'cartellization' where parties frequently split into rival factions or form contradictory alliances to secure power and wealth.

The research argues that EU-mandated reciprocity in EPAs risks splintering SADC by creating divergent trade policies among member states. Analysis shows that products the non-South African members of SACU (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland) would likely wish to exclude from liberalisation are already being liberalised under the TDCA, potentially undermining their ability to set autonomous trade schedules. The authors suggest that expanding SACU, possibly to include Mozambique, could serve as a mechanism to neutralise the anti-regionalism bias of EPAs.

In this inaugural address, the Director of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) asserts that Africa's development depends on internal agency rather than external aid. The author highlights the importance of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and NEPAD in fostering good governance and accountability. The text warns against a 'new scramble for Africa' driven by China's demand for raw materials, urging states to implement industrial policies and beneficiation to avoid neo-imperialist patterns. It concludes that while international interest and growth are positive, sustainable progress requires capable state institutions, proactive leadership, and a move away from ideological rigidity.

The expiration of the Multi-Fibre Agreement (MFA) quotas has shifted the global textile trade from a protected regime to a competitive market, leading to fears that China and India will dominate US and EU markets. African nations, despite preferential access through AGOA and EBA, face significant market share declines and job losses. The document argues that African countries must improve efficiency, diversify economies, and leverage South-South cooperation to survive the transition.

The report examines the relationship between civil society and parliament in Zimbabwe, analyzes the role of political opposition, and provides recommendations based on research by John Makumbe.

The report details a September 2005 conference in Harare focusing on the divergent and convergent experiences of SADC and ESA in their EPA negotiations with the EU. Key discussions centered on the tension between the EU's push for reciprocal trade and the African regions' demand for development-oriented agreements, special and differential treatment, and the preservation of the Lome acquis. It highlights the marginalization of non-state actors, the complex role of South Africa, and the potential negative impacts of liberalization on poverty and regional integration.

The document examines the difficulties the SADC-EPA group faces due to member states belonging to multiple regional trade arrangements, such as SACU, COMESA, and the EAC. It highlights a critical tension for the BLNS countries (Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland), who are constrained by South Africa's existing TDCA with the EU, and the MAT countries (Mozambique, Angola, and Tanzania), who face limited bargaining power as Least Developed Countries (LDCs). The author argues that the goal of a SADC Customs Union by 2010 is unrealistic due to these overlapping memberships and suggests that the SADC-EPA group must present two distinct market access offers to the EU to accommodate these different national and regional constraints.

The document examines how HIV/AIDS stigma hinders the effectiveness of medical interventions in Botswana and South Africa. Despite Botswana's status as the first sub-Saharan African nation to provide a free, universal anti-retroviral drug programme and the availability of millions of dollars in corporate and philanthropic funding, fear of discrimination and cultural taboos regarding sexual activity prevent many HIV-positive individuals from seeking testing and treatment. The text highlights initiatives like the Miss HIV Stigma-Free pageant and the Masa national programme as efforts to normalize the disease and encourage public disclosure of HIV status to overcome these social barriers.

The European Commission proposes cutting guaranteed white sugar prices by 39% over four years, a move expected to cost African, Caribbean, and Pacific (ACP) sugar producers approximately €400 million annually. While the author acknowledges that developed-country subsidies distort global trade and depress world sugar prices by more than 50%, the document highlights the vulnerability of ACP economies that rely on preferential access to EU markets. Drawing parallels to the devastating impact of the WTO banana dispute, which threatened the livelihoods of 200,000 farmers, the paper argues that the EU's proposed €40 million adjustment assistance is insufficient. It recommends a longer transition period, increased market access for at least 10 years to attract investment, and targeted safety nets for resource-constrained least-developed countries to ensure sustainable development during trade liberalisation.

The text notes that some interviewees in Swaziland feared state repercussions if their information was used for purposes other than academic research. It further describes Swazi society as being highly polarised between traditionalists, progressives, and moderates.