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The author contends that while neoliberal policies and foreign direct investment (FDI) fueled growth during the commodity boom, they failed to reduce poverty in resource-rich nations like Angola and Nigeria. The paper suggests that African governments should be granted more autonomy to nurture domestic businesses and mandate social responsibility from investors, arguing that a 'middle road' between privatization and state protection is necessary for a sustainable African economic renaissance.

The author analyzes President Obama's 2009 speech in Ghana, noting a transition from viewing Africa instrumentally through the 'war on terror' to seeing its development as intrinsic to global security. The new policy rests on four pillars: democracy and good governance, smart development assistance, public health, and conflict reduction. However, the author argues that the US's influence has diminished due to the Iraq war and the domestic financial crisis, allowing China, the EU, Russia, India, and Brazil to offer more programmatic or comprehensive partnerships. The document suggests that African nations, such as Ghana, can benefit from this competition by diversifying their partnerships across different global powers to meet specific national needs.

The author contends that while increasing Eskom's electricity tariffs may cause short-term inflation, failing to do so will lead to chronic power shortages and rolling black-outs that will be more inflationary and disproportionately harm the poor. The text suggests that the current crisis stems from unsustainably low electricity prices and a failure to invest in infrastructure. To mitigate the impact on vulnerable populations, the author proposes targeted protections such as price discrimination and free basic energy, while urging the government to invest in job-intensive renewable energy sources, potentially funded by international carbon credits.

The author identifies three primary points of divergence within the Southern African Customs Union (SACU): revenue distribution, trade and industrial policy, and foreign policy orientation. South Africa's role as a primary subsidizer of smaller members creates fiscal tension, while Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland seek trade diversification via an Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the EU, contrasting with South Africa's state-led industrial policy. The author warns that dismantling SACU could lead to the collapse of administrations in Lesotho, Namibia, and Swaziland, triggering mass migration into South Africa. Proposed solutions include a 'quid pro quo' where smaller states accept lower revenue in exchange for more policy influence, and the EU dropping the 'MFN clause' in EPA negotiations.

President Dmitry Medvedev's June 2009 visit to Egypt, Nigeria, Namibia, and Angola focused on the exploitation of energy and minerals and the sale of Russian technology. This effort, alongside summits with BRIC and SCO nations, reflects a Russian foreign policy goal to challenge US hegemony and establish a multipolar world. Key outcomes included agreements on gas field development and pipelines in Nigeria, nuclear power projects in Egypt and Namibia, and loans for Angola's satellite programme. The document notes South Africa's absence from the Russian president's itinerary and the BRIC summit in Yekaterinburg.

The paper examines Malawi's shift from a one-party state under Hastings Kamuzu Banda to a multi-party system, noting that while multi-partyism is entrenched, the country suffers from political manipulation, corruption, and severe socio-economic challenges. It highlights a decline in civil liberties from 'Free' to 'Partially Free' and emphasizes the need for improved governance and economic development to consolidate democracy.

In April 2008, the MV 'An Yue Jiang', a Chinese vessel carrying weapons for the Zimbabwe Defence Force, attempted to offload cargo in Durban, South Africa. A coalition of civil society actors, including the Southern Africa Litigation Centre (SALC) and various trade unions, successfully blocked the transfer through legal challenges and public demonstrations. After being denied offloading in South Africa and Mozambique, and facing opposition in Namibia and Angola, the ship eventually returned to China. The author attributes the success to the role of the media, the existence of established regional networks, and the presence of a tangible focal point for public outrage during Zimbabwe's post-election violence.

The document details the campaign to stop the Chinese vessel An Yue Jiang from delivering weapons to Zimbabwe following the contested 2008 elections. It examines the roles of legal challenges, media, and regional partnerships in preventing the shipment's delivery through South Africa, Mozambique, Namibia, and Angola.

The document examines the multifaceted relationship between China and Ethiopia, highlighting China's significant role in infrastructure development and trade while noting the potential negative effects of outdated technology transfers and poor labour standards. It argues that while Ethiopia benefits from China's 'no-strings-attached' economic support, this approach may entrench the authoritarian nature of the Ethiopian government by providing an alternative to Western donors who condition aid on human rights and democratic progress.

The document examines South Africa's engagement with the G20, highlighting its focus on global growth, financial stability, and advocating for other African nations' access to finance. It notes that while the South African financial sector remained relatively stable, the country sought a greater voice in multilateral regulatory evolution. Domestically, the report suggests that South Africa's future geopolitical standing within the G20 may depend on whether its foreign policy remains pragmatic or becomes more ideological following internal political shifts within the ANC.

This case study describes how coordinated civil society actions across Southern Africa successfully blocked a shipment of weapons destined for Zimbabwe following controversial elections.

The report examines the transition of forestry governance in the DRC from centralized control to a network-based approach. It analyzes the impact of the 2006-2008 forest title conversion process, which concentrated the industry into fewer hands, and evaluates the role of the 2002 Forest Code. A case study of Bikoro Territory demonstrates how tripartite structures involving government, private sector, and civil society can resolve local conflicts and improve accountability, despite challenges like extreme poverty, lack of infrastructure, and unregulated charcoal production.

The document analyzes the trajectory of the Islamic Front of Salvation (FIS) in Algeria, from its emergence as a mass political party during the liberalisation of 1989 to its ban in 1992 and subsequent role in armed rebellion. It argues that the FIS's success was driven by social grievances and the failure of the ruling National Liberation Front (FLN), while its radicalisation was partly a response to state repression. The paper further assesses the current Algerian party system, noting a trend of public apathy and the continued dominance of the military and executive branch despite the inclusion of moderate Islamist parties in governing coalitions.

The document examines the cyclical nature of the copper and cobalt mining industries in Kolwezi, DRC, and how these fluctuations affect governance, social stability, and the environment. It highlights the state's weak capacity to manage mineral wealth, the tensions between industrial mining companies and artisanal miners, and the devastating socio-economic impact of the 2008 commodity price collapse.

The document examines how former guerrilla movements in East Africa—specifically in Uganda, Rwanda, Eritrea, and Southern Sudan—have transitioned into state power. It argues that the authoritarian, centralized, and ruthless nature of guerrilla warfare is fundamentally incompatible with democratic governance, leading to regimes characterized by 'enlightened despotism' or total totalitarianism. The author analyzes the role of pre-existing civil society, ethnic tensions, and the personalization of power in shaping these outcomes, contrasting these cases with Somaliland's successful transition to a multi-party democracy.

The report outlines a framework for effective policy advocacy in Africa based on four pillars: strategic planning, functional networks, political sophistication, and the use of evidence and technology. It analyzes successful campaigns, such as the Treatment Action Campaign in South Africa and the Anti-Third Term Campaign in Zambia, to demonstrate how CSOs can navigate hostile political environments, leverage legal instruments, and use mobile technology for social mobilisation.

The author reflects on three major shifts in global history—the end of Eurocentrism and Empire, the end of the Cold War, and a current shift away from Anglo-Saxon economic and political dominance. While acknowledging the roles of leaders like Jan Smuts and Nelson Mandela, the author contends that South African citizens must take personal responsibility for their destiny in areas such as education, health, and finance to support the nation's construction and avoid fragmentation.

The author critiques the push for 'buy local' conditions in South Africa's R787 billion infrastructure programme, arguing that import substitution is unsuitable for a modern economy with integrated supply chains. The text highlights that local suppliers often lack the necessary scale, skills, and technological know-how, meaning that preferential procurement could lead to higher prices and lower quality. While noting that South Africa is not a signatory to the WTO's Government Procurement Agreement, the author contends that the government should instead focus on industrial diversification and exports to ensure long-term competitiveness.

The author critiques the APRM reports for Algeria, Benin, Ghana, Kenya, Rwanda, and South Africa, noting that recommendations frequently lack actionable substance or rely on ambiguous terms like "strengthen." To improve, the author suggests leveraging the 'peer review' process for collective problem-solving, consulting academic institutions and NGOs, or admitting when further research is required.

The author contends that while SADC successfully mediated the Global Political Agreement to establish a unity government in Zimbabwe, the regional body has missed a critical opportunity to support the resulting Short-Term Economic Recovery Plan (STERP) financially. Despite the plan's estimated requirement of US$10 billion over three years, only South Africa and Botswana have made tangible pledges totaling US$160 million, with approximately US$400 million secured from unspecified African sources. The author argues that SADC member states have a moral obligation to contribute resources rather than relying solely on lobbying international donors like the IMF and World Bank, suggesting that even token contributions would enhance the credibility of the African renaissance and the STERP initiative.