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The policy brief examines Brazil's transition from viewing itself as separate from Spanish America to becoming an emerging regional power focused on South America. It details how the concept of 'Latin America' was historically used by Spanish and French intellectuals to exclude Brazil, and how the United States later imposed a cohesive 'Latin American' identity on the region for its own geopolitical interests. While Brazil previously aligned closely with the US, it has more recently pursued a policy of engagement with its immediate South American neighbours, leading to the creation of the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) in 2008. The author concludes that Brazil now views regional power in South America as a prerequisite for global influence, though it faces challenges from Venezuela's alternative Bolivarian project.

The document examines the risks and opportunities associated with Ghana's transition to an oil-producing nation. While Ghana has a strong record of democratic transitions and a vocal civil society, it faces challenges including a lack of absorptive capacity for sudden revenue increases, delays in passing oil revenue management legislation, and a history of local communities receiving few benefits from the mining and timber sectors. The author argues that oil alone will not drive structural economic change and recommends the establishment of stabilisation and heritage funds, the use of associated gas to fuel industrial policy and agriculture, and increased transparency in contract negotiations to prevent elite capture and social unrest.

The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a voluntary self-monitoring tool for promoting good governance in Africa. It analyzes the process from the perspectives of civil society, journalists, and researchers, highlighting the gap between theoretical design and practical implementation. Key findings indicate that while the APRM has catalyzed dialogue and empowered some civil society actors, it often suffers from a lack of political will, poor coordination, and a disconnect between the diagnostic reports and the subsequent National Programmes of Action (NPoAs). The text emphasizes that the mechanism's success depends on the ability of civil society to demand accountability and the willingness of leaders to implement honest reforms.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of social accountability in Africa, defining it as a framework for citizens to demand and enforce accountability from power-holders. It combines a broad analysis of public attitudes via Afrobarometer data with specific case studies from South Africa, Kenya, Uganda, Malawi, Mozambique, and Madagascar. The text examines various tools—such as the Local Governance Barometer, budget monitoring, and the African Peer Review Mechanism—and highlights the critical role of political will, media engagement, and the necessity of an enabling legal environment for these initiatives to succeed.

The document examines Chinese investment in Nigeria's free trade zones (FTZs), focusing on the Lekki Free Trade Zone (LFTZ) and the Ogun Guangdong Free Trade Zone (OGFTZ). It highlights that while Nigeria has provided generous tax and ownership incentives since 1992, implementation has been slow due to infrastructural weaknesses and governance uncertainties. The LFTZ, a joint venture where a Chinese consortium holds a 60% stake, has faced challenges including internal consortium disputes, funding delays, and power supply issues. The author argues that Nigeria's high-risk profile gave Chinese investors excessive leverage, leading to an initially over-generous 50-year lease agreement that was later renegotiated to reduce the zone's size and mandate a 40% Nigerian workforce. The brief concludes that for FTZs to succeed and facilitate technology transfer, African governments must ensure high-level political commitment, maintain a confident negotiating stance, and improve the overall business climate.

Since 2000, Brazil has leveraged sustained economic growth and reduced social inequality to expand its global political influence and diplomatic presence. While it has become an undisputed regional power in South America through the creation of institutions like Mercosur and mediation of regional conflicts, the document argues that Brazil remains a "reluctant emerging power." Its global ambitions are tempered by internal social inequalities, a public wary of the costs of assertive foreign policy, and a strategic preference for "partial adaptation" over revolutionary change to the global order. The author suggests that for Brazil to sustain its emergence, it must move beyond risk-averse diplomacy and define a clear vision for global governance.

The IBSA Forum has successfully fostered political coordination and South-South dialogue, most notably through its development fund and a 96% vote convergence at the United Nations. While trade integration is hampered by regional constraints, the forum has seen success in science, technology, and revenue service cooperation. The author recommends that IBSA focus on development efforts and trade facilitation rather than overarching trade agreements, positioning itself as a development-oriented complement to the economically driven BRIC grouping.

The policy brief examines how Brazil's success in bioethanol production can be leveraged through the IBSA Forum to support biofuel development in South Africa and Africa. It identifies key barriers in South Africa, including a lack of a coherent national strategy and concerns over food security and land reform. The authors recommend that South Africa develop a balanced biofuel strategy, pursue collaborative R&D on second-generation biofuels, and create specific investment incentives to attract Brazilian expertise and capital.

The document examines Brazil's shift toward a more ambitious, multi-polar foreign policy under President 'Lula' da Silva, characterized by a desire for UN Security Council reform, strengthened South-South cooperation, and a proactive role as a democratic stabilizer in South America.

The document examines the 'resource curse' in Africa, where oil wealth often correlates with poverty, corruption, and conflict. It evaluates the impact of governance initiatives like the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), Publish What You Pay (PWYP), and Transparency International (TI) across eight oil-dependent states. The author argues that while these initiatives may be necessary for better governance, they are not sufficient on their own to overcome the systemic issues of rentier states, as evidenced by the continued prevalence of authoritarianism and corruption in several case studies.

The document examines the theoretical tension between universal human rights and state sovereignty, using South Africa as a case study. It argues that while human rights are widely accepted as legitimate in foreign policy, their practical application is often hindered by the principle of non-interference. The author critiques South Africa's perceived shift from the moral leadership of the Mandela era toward a policy of protecting state sovereignty, particularly in its dealings with Zimbabwe, Sudan, and Burma. The paper concludes that South Africa must move beyond an absolutist notion of sovereignty and integrate a broader spectrum of human rights—including socio-economic rights—into its concrete foreign policy practice to regain its international reputation.

The document analyzes the failure of 'oil for infrastructure' deals in Nigeria, where Chinese companies secured oil blocs in exchange for projects like the Lagos–Kano railway and Mambilla power station. These projects were stalled after the 2007 transition to President Yar’Adua's administration, which preferred cash payments over infrastructure. Consequently, Chinese firms have shifted toward direct acquisitions of oil assets for cash, exemplified by Sinopec's $7.2 billion purchase of Addax Petroleum in 2009.

In a speech delivered at a conference in Pretoria, Deputy Ambassador Søren Asp Mikkelsen discusses the necessity of a new international climate regime to replace the Kyoto Protocol, emphasizing the need for inclusive emission reductions and financial support for least developed countries. He highlights the 'Danish Wind Case' to demonstrate how legislative changes—such as feed-in tariffs and carbon taxes—can decouple economic growth from energy consumption and create a competitive export industry in renewable technology.

The research paper examines how climate change threatens Mozambique's economic development, specifically within agriculture, tourism, and public health. It highlights the country's high vulnerability due to its geography and poverty, noting that frequent natural disasters undermine progress toward Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). While the government has established a National Adaptation Programme of Action (NAPA), implementation is hindered by resource constraints. The paper also identifies potential opportunities through the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) and hydropower exports to South Africa.

The opening remarks emphasize the urgent need for African countries to integrate trade considerations into their climate adaptation and economic development strategies. The speaker warns that a failure to reach an agreement at the Copenhagen UN Climate Change Conference could trigger a wave of climate-related protectionist barriers, undermining the international trade regime during an existing global economic crisis.

The document argues that South Africa's international credibility in climate negotiations is undermined by a domestic reliance on fossil fuels and a slow integration of climate considerations into economic policy. Using Robert Putnam's 'two-level game' framework, it highlights the tension between Level I (international negotiations) and Level II (domestic interests), particularly the influence of the coal and oil industries. While South Africa champions developing nations' interests globally, its domestic energy strategy continues to favour coal-fired power and coal-to-liquids technology. The paper suggests that the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region offers untapped renewable energy potential that could help reconcile these competing imperatives.

The document examines the risks of 'TRIPS-plus' intellectual property standards being imposed on SADC countries through EPAs, using the CARIFORUM EPA as a model. It highlights concerns regarding digital copyright, geographical indications, and stringent enforcement mechanisms that may hinder development and public access to knowledge.

The document examines the role of global governance in Africa's mining sector, focusing on the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI), the Kimberley Process (KP), and the Diamond Development Initiative (DDI). It argues that while these initiatives promote ethical corporate behavior and transparency, they face significant challenges in monitoring, compliance, and addressing human rights abuses. The author highlights a disconnect between mineral wealth and human development, noting that countries like the DRC, Angola, and Sierra Leone remain low in Human Development Index rankings despite their resources.

The document analyzes the systemic failures of forest governance in Africa, highlighting how colonial-era centralized bureaucracies and externally imposed paradigms—such as industrial logging, biodiversity conservation, and REDD—have marginalized local stakeholders. It documents widespread corruption where political elites use logging concessions for personal enrichment or political financing, and notes that while some countries have attempted decentralization, these reforms are often bureaucratic and fail to grant genuine tenure rights to communities.

The second Africa South America Summit, held on Margarita Island, Venezuela, aimed to strengthen South-South cooperation as a counterweight to Northern influence. Key outcomes included the formalization of the Bank of the South to reduce reliance on the World Bank and IMF, the establishment of a Radio of the South, and joint mining ventures between Venezuela and several African nations. While Brazil reported a significant increase in bilateral trade from $6 billion in 2003 to over $36 billion by 2009, the summit was marked by ideological divisions, with some leaders pursuing a radical anti-imperialist agenda while others, including South Africa and Brazil, adopted a more nuanced approach to international relations.